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HEROIC POETRY
HEROIC POETRY
BY
C. M. BOWRA
LONDON
MACMILLAN & CO. LTD
1952
This book is copyright in all countries which
are signatories to the Berne Convention
TO
ISAIAH BERLIN
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN
PREFACE
THIS book is a development of some work which I did twenty-
five years ago when I was studying the Homeric poems. It
seemed to me then that many vexed questions might be clarified
by a comparative study of other poems of the same kind. This
belief was greatly strengthened when, in 1932, H. M. and N. K.
Chadwick published the first volume of their great work The
Growth of Literature. To it, and its two subsequent volumes,
I owe more than I can say, and its influence may be discerne.fl
in most parts of my book. Though heroic poetry is only tone (?i
several subjects treated by the Chadwicks, their analytical examina-
tion of it shows what it is in a number of countries and establishes
some of its main characteristics. This present book aims largely
at continuing the subject where they stop, first by using material
which was not available to them at the time of writing, secondly
by trying to make a closer synthesis than they attempted, and
thirdly by giving attention to many points on which they did not
have time to touch. The result will, I hope, provide a kind of
anatomy of heroic poetry and show that there is a general type
which persists through many variations. The variations are of
course as important as the main type, and I have given consider-
able space to them. The work is therefore one of comparative
literature in the sense that by comparing many examples and
aspects of a poetical form it tries to illuminate the nature of that
form and the ways in which it works.
Where so much material is available, I have naturally had to
limit my choice from it. I have excluded any literature which is
not strictly heroic in the sense which I have given to the word.
That is why nothing is said about the old-Indian epics, in which
a truly heroic foundation is overlaid with much literary and
theological matter, or about Celtic, either Irish or Welsh, since
neither presents many examples of heroic narrative in verse, or
about Persian, in which much genuine material has been trans-
formed by later literary poets. I have also excluded from con-
sideration anything written in languages unknown to me, of which I
have found no translations available. Thus the reader will find no-
thing about Albanian or Buryat, though heroic poems have been
published in both. For quite different reasons I have confined
HEROIC POETRY
my study of French heroic poetry to the Chanson de Roland and
have neglected the whole mass of other chansons de gesie. My
reason for this is partly that the Chanson de Roland seems to
me the best example of its kind, partly that a close analysis and
examination of the other texts would not only take many years
but upset the balance of this book.
The texts which I have studied fall into three classes. First,
with Greek, whether ancient or modern, French, Spanish,
German, and the Slavonic languages I have used the original
texts and usually translated them myself, though I am grateful
to help from C. K. Scott-Moncrieff's Roland, W. A. Morison's
versions from the Serb, and Mrs. N. K. Chadwick's from the
Russian. Secondly, since I do not know either Anglo-Saxon or
Norse, I have used respectively the versions of C. K. Scott-
Moncrieff and H. A. Bellows, though I have not entirely confined
myself to them. Thirdly, for Asiatic texts, of which no English
versions exist, I have used versions in other languages, usually
Russian, which I have translated into English. In the exceptional
case of Gilgamish I have made my own version from the Russian
of N. Gumilev and the English of R. Campbell Thompson. In
some cases, where no texts have been available, I have used
information about them from books of learning, though I have
not often done this, and then only when I have had full confi-
dence in the trustworthiness of the author. I fully realise that
this is by no means a perfect method. It would certainly have
been better to work only with original texts in every case and
not to use translations at all. But a work of this kind would
require a knowledge of nearly thirty languages, and not only am
I myself unlikely ever to acquire such a knowledge, but I do not
know of anyone interested in the subject who has it. So I must
ask indulgence for a defect which seems to be inevitable if such a
work is to be attempted at all.
I am also conscious of other faults in handling this mass of
disparate material. The transliteration of unusual names is, I
fear, too often inconsistent or incorrect. It has been impossible
to avoid a certain amount of repetition, since the same passages
illustrate different points in different contexts. The mass of
material may discourage some readers by its unfamiliar ity, but I
have done my best to make it intelligible. Above all, the diffi-
culty of getting books from eastern Europe has prevented me
from being as detailed as I should wish on certain points.
I owe thanks to many people for help generously given ; to
Mr. A. B. Lord for introducing me to the unique collection of
VI
PREFACE
Jugoslav poems recorded by Milman Parry and now in the
Widener Library of Harvard University ; to Mr. F. W. Deakin
for the invaluable gift of Karadzic's Srpske Narodne Pjesme ; to
Professor H. T. Wade-Gery for much helpful criticism ; to Mrs.
N. K. Chadwick for the generous gift of a book otherwise unobtain-
able ; to Professors J. E. Finley, O. Maenchen, and R. M. Dawkins,
Dr. G. Katkov, Dr. J. H. Thomas, Mr. A. Andrewes, Mr. J. B. Barn-
borough, Dr. J. K. Bostock, Mr. W. A. C. H. Dobson, who have
given time and trouble to helping me ; and finally to authors and
publishers for leave to quote extracts from books — the American
Scandinavian Foundation, New York, for H. A. Bellows, The
Poetic Edda ; Mrs. N. K. Chadwick and the Cambridge Univer-
sity Press for Russian Heroic Poetry ; Mr. W. A. Morison and the
Cambridge University Press for The Revolt of the Serbs against
the Turks ; Professor W. J. Entwistle and the Clarendon Press
for European Balladry ; to the executor of the late C. K. Scott-
Moncrieff and Messrs. Chapman & Hall for The Song of Roland
and Beowulf] to Mr. Arthur Waley and Messrs. Constable & Co.,
for 170 Chinese Poems ; Messrs. George Allen & Unwin for The
Book of Songs ; and the proprietors of Botteghe Oscure for Kutune
Shirka. Finally, I owe a great debt to Miss G. Feith for com-
piling the Index and to Mr. R. H. Dundas for his careful scrutiny
of my proofs. For such errors as remain I alone am responsible,
vu
CONTENTS
PAGE
I. THE HEROIC POEM i
II. THE POETRY OF ACTION 48
III. THE HERO 91
IV. THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND 132
V. THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE 179
VI. THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION : LANGUAGE 215
VII. THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION : DEVICES OF
NARRATIVE 254
VIII. SOME PECULIARITIES OF COMPOSITION 299
IX. SCALE AND DEVELOPMENT 330
X. TRADITION AND TRANSMISSION 368
XI. THE BARD 404
XII. INSIDE THE TRADITION 443
XIII. VARIETIES OF HEROIC OUTLOOK 476
XIV. HEROIC POETRY AND HISTORY 508
XV. THE DECLINE OF HEROIC POETRY 537
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 569
INDEX 575
I
THE HEROIC POEM
I N their attempts to classify mankind in different types the early
Greek philosophers gave a special place to those men who live
for action and for the honour which comes from it. Such, they
believed, are moved by an important element in the human soul,
the self-assertive principle, which is to be distinguished equally
from the appetites and from the reason and realises itself in brave
doings. They held that the life of action is superior to the pursuit
o£profit or the^gratification of tKe'jTeases+J^^
.honour is himself an honourable -figujej and when Pythagoras"
likened human beings to the different types to be seen at the
Olympic Games, he paid the lovers of honour the compliment
of comparing them with the competing athletes.1 The Greeks of
the sixth and fifth centuries B.C. regarded the men whom Homer
had called heroes — TJpajes — as a generation of superior beings
who sought and deserved honour. They believed that Greek
history had contained a heroic age, when the dominant type was
of this kind, and they could point to the testimony of Hesiod,
who, in his analysis of the ages of humanity, places between the
ages of bronze and of iron an age of heroes who fought at Thebes
and at Troy :
Again on the bountiful earth by heaven was sent
A worthier race ; on righteous deeds they were bent,
Divine, heroic — as demigods they are known,
And the boundless earth had their race before our own.
Some of them met grim war and its battle-fates :
In the land of Kadmos at Thebes with seven gates
They fought for Oedipus' flocks disastrously,
Or were drawn to cross the gulf of mighty sea
For sake of Helen tossing her beautiful hair,
And death was the sudden shroud that wrapped them there.2
Archaeology and legend suggest that Hesiod was not entirely at
fault and that there was once such a time as he outlines. It left
1 Cicero, Tusc. Disp. v, 9.
2 Works and Days, 156-65. Trs. J. Lindsay. In his edition, p. 16, T. A.
Sinclair connects the theory of the Five Ages with the teaching of Zarathustra,
who believed in four ages, each of a thousand years. In that case, as Sinclair
arcrues. the Heroic Age is Hesiod's addition to an ancient scheme.
HEROIC POETRY
memories and traces in Greek epic poetry, and the later Greeks
looked back to it with delighted admiration. Homer makes no
attempt to conceal its superiority to his own time,1 and even the
critical Heraclitus concedes that such an existence is impressive
in its pursuit of honour : for " they choose one thing above all
others, immortal glory among mortals ".2 It is significant that
even in the fourth century B.C. Aristotle regarded honour not
only as " the prize appointed for the noblest deeds " but as " the
greatest of external goods ".3 In Greece the conception of the
heroic life began early and lasted long, and from it, more than
from anything else, our own conceptions of heroes and heroism
are derived.
The Greeks, however, were not alone in their respect for a
superior class of men who lived for honour. The chevalier of
mediaeval French epic is in every way as heroic as a Greek hero,
and acts from similar motives. To the same family belong the
Spanish caballero, the Anglo-Saxon cempa, the Russian bogatyr*
the Old German held, the Norse farl, the Tatar batyr, the Serb
yunak, the Albanian trim, and the Uzbek pavlan. Sometimes
heroic qualities are attributed to a special class of persons who
exist otherwise in their own right. For instance, the Jugoslavs
regard with peculiar respect the haiduks, who led the revolt against
the Turks in 1804-13 ; the modern Greeks have since the sixteenth
century celebrated the klephts of Epirus, who may have been, as
their name suggests, no better than brigands, but were also
national champions against the Turks ; the Ossetes of the Caucasus
have a large number of stories, often shared with the Chechens and
the Cherkesses, about the Narts, who belong to an undated past
and have no known origin but are regarded as heroes beyond
comparison ; 5 the Ukrainians devote much attention to the Cos-
sacks and their long struggles against the Turks, until the name
of cossack, kozak, has become a synonym for a great warrior ;
in not dissimilar conditions the Bulgars attribute many virtues
to enterprising brigands called yunatsi. The conception of the
hero and of heroic prowess is widely spread, and despite its
different settings and manifestations shows the same main char-
1 //. i, 272 ; v, 304 ; xii, 383, 449 ; xx, 287.
2 Fr. 29, Diels. 3 Nic. Eth. 11233 20.
4 The word bogatyr, derived from the Persian bahadur, occurs in Russian
annals from the thirteenth century, but is used there of Tatar warriors ; cf.
Chronicle of Hypatios on the warriors of Baty Khan in 1240 and 1243. Since the
fifteenth century it has replaced old Russian words for " warrior " such as
udalets, khrabr, muzh.
5 For theories on the origins of the Narts cf. G. Dum&il, Legendes sur les
Nartes (Paris, 1930), pp. 1-12.
THE HEROIC POEM
acteristics, which agree with what the Greeks say of their heroes.
An age which believes in the pursuit of honour will naturally wish
jtp express its admiration in a poetry of action and adventure, of
bold endeavours and noble examples. Heroic poetry still exists
in many parts of the world and has existed in many others,
because it answers a real need of the human spirit.
This poetry may be divided into two classes, ancient and
modern. To the first belong those poems which have by some
whim of chance survived from the past. Such are the Greek
Iliad and Odyssey, the Asiatic Gilgamish, preserved fragmentarily
in Old Babylonian, Hittite, Assyrian, and New Babylonian, the
remains of the Canaanite (Ugaritic) Aqhat and Keret, the Old
German Hildebrand, the Anglo-Saxon Beowulf, Maldon, Brunan-
burh and fragments of Finnsburh and Waldhere, the Norse poems
of the Elder Edda and other pieces, some French epics of which
the most remarkable is the Song of Roland, and the Spanish Poema
del Cid and fragments of other poems. The last hundred and
fifty years have added a large second class of modern heroic
poems, taken down from living bards. In Europe, the art is still
flourishing, or was till recently, in Russia, especially in remote
regions like Lake Onega and the White Sea ; in Jugoslavia, both
among Christians and Mohammedans ; in Bulgaria ; in the
Ukraine ; in Greece ; in Esthonia ; in Albania. In Asia, it is to
be found in the Caucasus among the Armenians and the Ossetes ;
in the Caspian basin among the Kalmucks ; among some Turkic
peoples, notably the Uzbeks of what was once Bactria, and the
Kara- Kirghiz of the Tien- Shan mountains ; among the Yakuts
of the river Lena in northern Siberia; the Achins of western
Sumatra ; the Ainus of the northern Japanese island of Hokkaido,
and some tribes of the Arabian peninsula. In Africa it seems
to be much less common, but there are traces of it in the Sudan.1
This list is by no means complete and could easily be increased.
There are, no doubt, also regions in which the art exists but has
not been recorded by European scholars. There are equally other
regions where it once existed but has passed out of currency before
the impact of new ideas and ways of life. None the less, the
present evidence shows that it is widely spread and that, wherever
it occurs, it follows certain easily observed rules. It is therefore a
fit subject for study, though any such study must take as much
notice of variations as of underlying principles.
1 Petrovic, pp. 190-93, describes an epic poem which celebrates a battle
between the fetishists and the Moslems among the Bambara of the French
Sudan. Cf. also Mungo Park, Travels (edn. 1860), p. 311.
HEROIC POETRY
This poetry is inspired by the belief that the honour which
men pay to some of their fellows is owed to a real superiority in
natural endowments. But of course it is not enough for a man to
possess superior qualities ; he must realise them in action. In
the ordeals of the heroic life his full worth is tested and revealed.
It is not even necessary that he should be rewarded by success :
the hero who dies in battle after doing his utmost is in some ways
more admirable than he who lives. In either case he is honoured
because he has made a final effort in courage and endurance, and
no more can be asked of him. He gives dignity to the human race
by showing of what feats it is capable ; he extends the bounds of
experience for others and enhances their appreciation of life by
the example of his abundant vitality. However much ordinary
men feel themselves to fall short of such an ideal, they none the
less respect it because it opens up possibilities of adventure and
excitement and glory which appeal even to the most modest and
most humble. The admiration for great doings lies deep in the
human heart, and comforts and cheers even when it does not stir
to emulation. Heroes are the champions of man's ambition to
pass beyond the oppressive limits of human frailty to a fuller and
more vivid life, to win as far as possible a self-sufficient manhood,
which refuses to admit that anything is too difficult for it, and is
content even in failure, provided that it has made every effort
of which it is capable. Since the ideal of action appeals to a vast
number of men and opens new chapters of enthralling experience,
it becomes matter for poetry of a special kind.
Heroic poetry is essentially narrative and is nearly always
remarkable for its objective character. It creates its own world
of the imagination in which men act on easily understood
principles, and, though it celebrates great doings because of their
greatness, it does so not overtly by praise but indirectly by making
them speak for themselves and appeal to us in their own right.
It wins interest and admiration for its heroes by showing what
they are and what they do. This degree of independence and
objectivity is due to the pleasure which most men take in a well-
told tale and their dislike of having it spoiled by moralising or
instruction. Indeed heroic poetry is far from unique in this
respect. It has much in common with other kinds of narrative,
whether in prose or in verse, whose main purpose is to tell a story
in an agreeable and absorbing way. What differentiates heroic
poetry is largely its outlook. It works in conditions determined
by special conceptions of manhood and honour. It cannot exist
unless men believe that human beings are in themselves sufficient
THE HEROIC POEM
objects of interest and that their chief claim is the pursuit of
honour through risk. Since these assumptions are not to be
found in all countries at all times, heroic poetry does not flourish
everywhere. It presupposes a view of existence in which man
plays a central part and exerts his powers in a distinctive way.
Thus, although it bears many resemblances to other primitive
narrative poetry, it is not the same and may well be a development
from it.
There is a narrative poetry which tells for their own sake
stories which are not in any real sense heroic. With this, heroic
poetry has so much in common that it is impossible to make an
absolute distinction between the two kinds. The differences are
of quality and degree, but they are none the less fundamental.
In certain parts of the world there is still a flourishing art of
telling tales in verse, often at considerable length, about the
marvellous doings of men. What counts in them is precisely
this element of the marvellous. It is far more important than any
heroic or even human qualities which may have an incidental
part. This art embodies not a heroic outlook, which admires
man for doing his utmost with his actual, human gifts, but a
more primitive outlook which admires any attempt to pass
beyond man's proper state by magical, non-human means. In
different ways this poetry exists among the Finns, the Altai and
Abakan Tatars, the Khalka Mongols, the Tibetans, and the Sea
Dyaks of Borneo. It presupposes a view of the world in which
man is not the centre of creation but caught between many
unseen powers and influences, and his special interest lies in his
supposed ability to master these and then to do what cannot be
done by the exercise of specifically human gifts. In such societies
the great man is not he who makes the most of his natural qualities
but he who is somehow able to enlist supernatural powers on his
behalf. Of course even the most obviously heroic heroes in
Homer and Beowulf, still more in the less sophisticated poetry of
the Kara-Kirghiz or the Uzbeks or the Ossetes or the Kalmucks
or the Yakuts, may at times do something of the kind, but it is
usually exceptional, and their ability to do it is not their first
claim. In more primitive societies this is what really matters,
and it presupposes a different view of manhood and of its possi-
bilities and place in the universe.
In the Finnish Kalevala, which is actually not a single poem
but a composition artfully made from a number of original lays by
the scholar Elias Lonnrot, the leading figures are magicians, and
the interest of almost every episode turns on their ability to master
HEROIC POETRY
a difficult situation by magic. The actual situation may often
resemble something familiar in truly heroic poems, but the
management of it is quite different. Take, for instance, the theme
of building a boat which is to be found both in Gilgamish and the
Odyssey. In them it is a matter of craft and knowledge ; in the
Kalevala it is a matter of knowing the right spells :
Then the aged Vainamoinen,
He the great primaeval sorcerer,
Fashioned then the boat with wisdom,
Built with magic songs the vessel,
From the fragments of an oak-tree,
Fragments of the shattered oak-tree.
With a song the keel he fashioned,
With another, sides he fashioned,
And he sang again a third time,
And the rudder he constructed,
Bound the rib-ends firm together,
And the joints he fixed together.1
What holds good of boat-building, holds equally good of other
matters such as fighting or visiting the underworld. In the end
it is not strength or courage or even ordinary cunning which wins
but a knowledge of the right spells. In Kogutei, a traditional poem
of the Altai Tatars,2 it is again supernatural powers which count.
The hero is not the man Kogutei but a beaver whose life he spares
and whom he takes home. The beaver duly marries a huirian
bride and behaves very like a man, but though he is a great
hunter and performs many feats of valour, he is not a human
being and does not reflect a heroic outlook. His final triumphs
come through magic, and it is clear that he has much of the
shaman in him when he escapes death at the hands of his brothers-
in-law, lays a curse on their whole family, returns to Kogutei, and
enriches him by his magical arts.
Although in this poetry great events are usually directed by
magic, it does not mean that the men who take part in them lack
great qualities. They may often have strength and courage and
power to command, but none the less they must practise magic if
they wish to succeed. The Sea Dyaks of Borneo, for instance,
have long narrative poems about reckless exploits. They have
their full share of fighting and of deeds of gallant daring, but
sooner or later their warriors resort to magic. In Klieng's War
1 Kalevala, xvi, 101-12. On the Kalevala in general cf. D. Comparetti,
The Traditional Poetry of the Finns (Eng. Trans.), London, 1898, and C. J.
Billson, Popular Poetry of the Finns, London, 1900.
2 Kogutei: Altaiski Epos, Moscow, 1935; cf. Chadwick, Growth, iii,
pp. 99-102.
THE HEROIC POEM
Raid to the Skies human invaders ascend to the stars by throwing
up balls of blue and red thread, an action which may have some
connection with the cult of the rainbow and is certainly magical.1
The main episode of the poem presupposes powers more than
human and makes the shamanistic assumption that certain men
can scale the sky. So, too, in the fine poems of the Abakan Tatars,
or Chakass,2 an undeniably heroic element expresses itself in
stirring scenes of adventure, but even so the issue lies not with
human qualities but with forces outside human control, with
strange beings who come from nowhere and decide the destinies of
men. In such a world the warriors themselves often use magic
and think little of flying along the sky on their horses or jumping
over a wide sea. Indeed they are so close to the world of beasts
and birds and fishes that they seem not to be finally differentiated
from them. They are almost natural forces in a universe governed
by inexplicable laws to which magic is the only key. If they
restrict their efforts to specifically human powers, they are liable
to fail, and even the stoutest champion may be foiled by some
incalculable intervention from the unknown. In such a society
the hero has not reached his true stature because his human
capacities are not fully realised, and though he may be concerned
with honour, it is not his first or only concern. His life is spent
in meeting unforeseen contingencies which make him a plaything
of the supernatural.
The difference between shamanistic poetry -and heroic poetry
proper may be illustrated by a comparison between two examples,
in each of which both elements exist but in degrees so different
that we can confidently call one shamanistic and the other heroic.
The Tibetan poems about King Kesar of Ling are concerned
with a great warrior, who may have a historical origin, and is
regarded as all that a hero should be.3 He has indeed many
heroic qualities. His portentous birth and boyhood, his destruc-
tion of his enemies, his strength and wealth and intelligence, his
wars and victories make him look like a hero, but in fact his success
comes almost entirely by magic. He is able not only to assume
whatever shape he likes, whether human or animal, but to create
phantoms which look like living men and frighten his foes into
1 Chadwick, Growth, Hi, pp. 480-83.
2 N. Cohn, Gold Khan, London, 1946.
3 G. N. Roerich, "The Epic of King Kesar of Ling" in Journal of Royal
Society of Bengal, viii, 1942. I owe this reference to Mr. W. A. C. H. Dobson.
The poems survive in various dialects of Tibetan, and also in Mongolian and
Burushaski. A full paraphrase of the story is given by A. David-Neel, The
Superhuman Life of Gesar of Ling, London, 1932.
HEROIC POETRY
surrender. In every crisis he uses magic, and his real place is not
with human beings, since he is the incarnation of a god and helped
by four divine spirits who succour him in every need. On the
other hand the Yakut poems have on the surface many magical
elements. Sometimes the heroes themselves are actually shamans ;
they are usually able to perform magical acts. But when it comes
to war, they rely not on magic but on strength of arm, and that
makes all the difference. In the last resort the Yakut poems are
heroic and the Tibetan are shamanistic because they presuppose
different views of human worth and capacity. In the poems
about Kesar what counts is his supernatural power, but in the
Yakut poems the main interest is in physical and mental capacity,
which may indeed be unusual but is still recognisably human.
The difference between shamanistic and heroic poetry is largely
one of emphasis, but no poem can be regarded as truly heroic
unless the major successes of the hero are achieved by more or less
human means.
It is of course possible that sometimes shamanistic elements
are later intrusions into a truly heroic art. Indeed it is even
possible that this is the case with the poems about King Kesar of
Ling. Since the poems seem to be derived from a time before the
establishment of Buddhism in Tibet, it is quite likely that the
shamanistic elements in them are themselves Buddhistic, and that
these have obscured and altered an earlier, more genuinely heroic
poetry. But this does not affect the main point that shamanistic
poetry is more primitive than heroic and tends to precede it
historically. Heroic poetry seems to be a development of narrative
from a magical to a more anthropocentric outlook. Such a change
may well be gradual, since it must take time to realise the implica-
tions of the new outlook and to shape stories to suit it. The
process may have been assisted by one or two other kinds of
poetry closely related to a heroic point of view, notably the
panegyrics and laments which are popular in many countries.
The one celebrates a great man's doings to his face, while the
other praises him in lamenting his death. The great doings and
qualities so commemorated are often of the kind which heroic
poets record in objective narrative. Moreover, panegyrics and
laments are often in the same style and metres as strictly heroic
poems, and indeed in Russian and Tatar literature the two classes
have an almost identical manner and vocabulary. Panegyrics and
laments resemble heroic poetry in their taste for the nobler
human qualities. The great man wins a victory in battle or the
games ; he is a famous huntsman, a father of his people, a generous
THE HEROIC POEM
host, a loyal friend, notable alike for courage and wisdom. In such
poems honour is assumed to be the right end of life, and a man
wins it through great achievements. Both panegyric and lament
celebrate an individual's fame at some special crisis, and in so
doing endorse a heroic outlook.
Panegyric honours the great man in his presence for something
that he Has done and is usually composed soon after the event.
For instance, one of the oldest relics of Hebrew poetry, the Song
of Deborah, composed about 1200 B.C., breathes a heroic spirit in
its joy over the rout of a formidable enemy. Though it tells its
story with brilliant realism and a fine sense of adventure, it
remains a panegyric. If Deborah and Barak really sang it, and it
is quite possible that they did, their proclaimed purpose was to
praise Jael, the slayer of Sisera :
Blessed above women shall Jael the wife of Hebcr the Kenite be,
Blessed shall she be above all women in the tent.1
Panegyrics of this kind are widely spread over the world. They
exist not merely among peoples who have a heroic poetry, like the
Greeks, the Germanic and Slavonic peoples, the Asiatic Tatars, and
some peoples of the Caucasus, but among others who seem never
to have had such a poetry, like the Polynesians, the Zulus, the
Abyssinians, the Tuareg, and the Galla. Panegyric does not often
attain any length and certainly does not compare in scale with
long heroic poems. It represents an outlook which is close to
the heroic, but it lacks the independence and objectivity of a
heroic poem.
Lament is closely allied to panegyric in that it dwells on a
great man's achievements, though it does so with sorrow and
regret after his death. The heroic temper is often vivid in it, as
in another early Hebrew poem, David's lament for Saul and
Jonathan (c. 1010 B.C.), with its praise of the dead warriors —
" they were swifter than eagles, they were stronger than lions ".
But this praise is inspired by contemporary events and delivered
by a poet in memory of men whom he has loved and lost :
Ye daughters of Israel, weep over Saul, who clothed you in scarlet,
with other delights, who put ornaments of gold upon your apparel.
How are the mighty fallen in the midst of the battle ! O Jonathan,
thou wast slain in thine high places.
I am distressed for thee, my brother Jonathan : very pleasant hast
thou been unto me : thy love was wonderful, passing the love of
women.
How are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of war perished.2
1 Judges v, 24. 2 II Samuel i, 24-7.
HEROIC POETRY
The sense of personal loss, such as David reveals, is essential to
lament, and, though it may easily become a convention, it remains
none the less necessary. Lament is born from grief for the dead,
and though praise is naturally combined with it, grief has the chief
place. The authentic note may be seen in the song which Kiluken
Bahadur sang over the body of Genghiz Khan when it was being
carried on a cart to burial :
Once thou didst swoop like a falcon ! A rumbling waggon now
trundles thee off !
O my king !
Hast thou then in truth forsaken thy wife and thy children and
the assembly of thy people ?
O my king !
Circling in pride like an eagle once thou didst lead us,
O my king !
But now thou has stumbled and fallen, like an unbroken colt,
O my king ! l
The lament reflects the spirit of a heroic society not with dramatic
objectivity but with personal intimacy. It shows what men feel
when their lives are touched by loss. The poet is too close to the
actual event to present it with the artistic detachment of heroic
narrative.
None the less the resemblances between panegyric or lament
and heroic poetry are so close that there must be a relation between
them. Historical priority probably belongs to panegyric and
lament, not merely because they are simpler and less objective,
but because they exist in some societies where heroic poetry is
lacking. The reasons for this lack are several. First, it may be
simply an inability to rise beyond a single occasion to the con-
ception of a detached art. This may be the case with some
African peoples, who delight to honour victorious achievements
but address their poems to single real persons and compose
especially for them. How close this spirit is to a heroic outlook
can be seen from a small song of praise composed by court-
minstrels for a king of Uganda :
Thy feet are hammers,
Son of the forest.
Great is the fear of thee ;
Great is thy wrath :
Great is thy peace :
Great is thy power.2
1 Yule-Cordier, Travels of Marco Polo (London, 1903), i, p. 351.
2 Chadwick, Growth, iii, p. 579.
10
THE HEROIC POEM
The conception of a great man presented in this poem may be
matched by that of an Abyssinian lament for a dead chieftain of
the Amhara country :
Alas ! Saba Gadis, the friend of all,
Has fallen at Daga Shaha by the hand of Oubeshat !
Alas ! Saba Gadis, the pillar of the poor,
Has fallen at Daga Shaha, weltering in his blood !
The people of this country, will they find it a good thing
To eat ears of corn which have grown in his blood ? l
Though these poems, and many others like them, show a real
admiration for active and generous manhood, they come from
peoples who have no heroic poetry and have never advanced
beyond panegyric and lament. The intellectual effort required
for such an advance seems to have been beyond their powers.
The limitations of this outlook may be specially illustrated
from the poetry of the Zulus. In the first years of the nineteenth
century they were organised as an extremely formidable power by
their king Chaka, who, by a combination of good tactics and a
more than ruthless discipline, made himself a great conqueror and
won the fear and respect alike of his subjects and his neighbours.
He, we might think, would have been a suitable subject for heroic
song, but he seems to have missed this destiny, since all we
possess to his memory are panegyrics. In one we see how his
soldiers saw him :
Thou hast finished, finished the nations,
Where wilt thou go forth to battle now ?
Hey ! where wilt thou go forth to battle now ?
Thou hast conquered kings,
Where wilt thou go forth to battle now ?
Thou hast finished, finished the nations,
Where art thou going to battle now ?
Hurrah ! Hurrah ! Hurrah !
Where art thou going to battle now ? 2
This is simple and primitive, the expression of an immediate,
violent excitement. A few years later Chaka's successor, Dingan,
who was in no sense his peer in ability or intelligence, was cele-
brated on a larger scale with a greater sense of heroic worth.
The second poem praises the king's power and enterprise, and does
not shrink from making honourable mention of his murder of
his elder brother, Chaka, and his other brother, Umhlangani.
Through the 161 lines of his song the poet keeps up a real sense
1 Chadwick, Growth, iii, p. 517.
2 J. Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal (London, 1857), p. 268.
II
HEROIC POETRY
of the prodigious prowess and irresistible strength of his master
and praises Dingan as the most authentic type of hero. He is of
course a great conqueror :
Thou art a king who crushest the heads of the other kings.
Thou passest over mountains inaccessible to thy predecessors.
Thou findest a defile from which there is no way out.
There thou makest roads, yes, roads.
Thou takest away the herds from the banks of the Tugela,
And the herds from the Babanankos, a people skilled in the
forging of iron.
Thou art indeed a vigorous adventurer.
So much is to be expected, but the poet then praises Dingan for
other qualities, which are not usually regarded as heroic, though a
strict logic might claim that they are — notably for being un-
approachable and ruthless :
Thou makest all the world to keep silence,
Thou hast silenced even the troops ;
Thy troops always obey thee :
Thou sayest, and they go ;
Thou sayest, and they go again.
All honour a king whom none can approach.
Though Dingan has murdered Chaka, he is compared and indeed
identified with him as a great conqueror :
Thou art Chaka ; thou causest all people to tremble.
Thou thunderest like the musket.
At the fearful noise which thou makest
The dwellers in the towns flee away.
Thou are the great shade of the Zulu,
And thence thou swellest and reachest to all countries.1
This undeniably expresses a heroic ideal of an advanced kind,
but the poet's art is still confined to panegyric. His outlook is
limited to the actual present, and he does not conceive of great
events in an objective setting. Indeed this restriction of outlook
may be the reason why African tribes have in general no heroic
poetry. The present so absorbs and occupies them that they feel
no need to traffic with the past and the imaginary. Just as with
Dingan the poet speaks only of the immediate past, and that only
to show his hero in his present glory, so other African poets seem
unwilling or unable to construct songs of heroic action which are
enjoyable for their own sake and not some kind of summons to
action or an instrument of personal praise.
A second reason for the failure to develop a heroic poetry may
1 J. Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal (London, 1857), p. 310 ff.
12
THE HEROIC POEM
be almost the opposite of what seems to operate among the
African peoples. The origins of Chinese poetry are lost in a
dateless past, and a great mass of early poems has certainly perished.
But it seems on the whole improbable that the Chinese ever had
a heroic poetry. That they had something like a pre-heroic
poetry may be assumed from the traces of rhymed narrative like
that in the Shan-hai-ching of Yii's fight with a nine- headed
dragon.1 It is also clear that they were capable of producing a
poetry of vigorous action, like the piece preserved on stone drums
in the Confucian temple at Peking and written about the eighth
century B.C. :
Our chariots are strong,
Our horses well-matched,
Our chariots are lovely,
Our horses are sturdy ;
Our lord goes a-hunting, goes a-sporting.
The does and deer so fleet
Our lord seeks.
Our horn bows are springy ;
The how springs we hold.
We drive the big beasts.
They come with thud of hoofs, come in great herds.
Now we drive, now we stop.
The does and deer tread warily . . .
We drive the tall ones ;
They come charging headlong.
We have shot the strongest of all, have shot the tallest.2
This is a hunting-song, but in its quiet way it recalls heroic
narrative. It glories in a successful hunt, in the skill and high
spirits of the hunters ; it tells its story with realism and an apt
choice of facts ; it reflects the pride of men who set themselves a
difficult task and carry it out. But it is not heroic poetry, since
it is not an objective narrative but a personal record, and though
there is no explicit praise in it, it is really panegyric spoken by
the hunters about themselves.
A similar heroic spirit can be seen in other Chinese poems
which are unquestionably laments. Ch'u-Yuan's (332-295 B.C.)
Battle echoes in a short space the delight of battle and the glory
which death in it confers, but though it gives a vivid picture of
fighting, it is clearly a lament, as the conclusion shows :
1 Ch. 8 ; another version in ch. 17. I owe this reference to Professor Otto
Maenchen.
2 Arthur Waley, The Booh of Songs (London, 1937), p. 290. The poet Han
Yu (A.D. 768-824) wrote a poem about the stone-drums ; cf. R. C. Trevelyan,
From the Chinese (Oxford, 1945), p. 30 if.
13
HEROIC POETRY
Steadfast to the end, they could not be daunted.
Their bodies were stricken, but their souls have taken Immortality —
Captains among the ghosts, heroes among the dead.1
A like spirit informs the anonymous Fighting South of the Castle,
written about 124 B.C. It too has a real power of exciting nar-
rative :
The waters flowed deep,
And the rushes in the pool were dark.
The riders fought and were slain :
Their horses wander neighing.
But it too, at the end, shows that it is a personal tribute to the
dead and not an objective narrative of their doings :
I think of you, faithful soldiers ;
Your service shall not be forgotten.
For in the morning you went out to battle
And at night you did not return.2
Though the Chinese possessed the seeds of a heroic poetry, they
did not allow them to grow. The explanation perhaps is that the
great intellectual forces which set so lasting an impress on Chinese
civilisation were hostile to the heroic spirit with its unfettered
individualism and self-assertion.
Perhaps something of the same kind happened in Israel. The
Hebrews, like the Chinese, had panegyrics, such as the Song of
Deborah 3 and the song which the women sang when Saul and
David returned from battle with the Philistines,4 and laments,
such as David's for Saul and Jonathan 5 and for Abner.6 But
there is no evidence that they had a truly heroic poetry. Its place
was largely taken by prose narrative, like that which tells of Saul
and David or of Samson's dealings with the Philistines. These
prose stories have a good deal in common with heroic poetry.
They are tales of adventure told for entertainment ; they abound in
speeches and descriptive details ; they are written from a courtly,
and not from a priestly, point of view and differ considerably
from such stories as those of Elijah and Elisha. On the other
hand they are more historical than heroic. They are episodic,
and their chief characters are more life-like than ideal. Indeed,
apart from Samson, they are hardly heroes in any full sense.
Saul has his kingly qualities and his tragic doom, and David his
vivid and brilliant youth, but fidelity to historical fact lowers the
heroic tone and produces something that is more a chronicle than
1 Arthur Waley, ijo Chinese Poems (London, 1918), p. 23.
2 Ibid. p. 33. 3 Judges v. 4 I Samuel xviii, 7, and xxi, 11.
5 II Samuel i, 19-27. 6 Ibid, iii, 33 ff.
H
THE HEROIC POEM
a saga. In Israel lament and panegyric failed to mature not
only into heroic poetry but into heroic saga. The Song of Deborah
suggests that the Hebrews might have developed a heroic poetry
comparable to that of their Semitic kinsmen in Gilgamtsh, but
something held them back. Even though they honoured great
figures in their judges and kings, they did not make the most of
their opportunities, and after that the growth of priestly rule
would certainly have discouraged an art which gave too great an
emphasis to the individual hero.1
In some countries a heroic poetry may come into existence
but fail to be maintained in its full character, and this failure
may in some cases be due to artistic considerations. Men may
happen to prefer prose to poetry, and then saga becomes the
popular art for tales of action. Saga is quite consistent with a
purely heroic outlook and is indeed heroic prose. Such seems
to have been the case with the Irish. They have an abundant
prose which tells of themes like those of heroic poetry, such as
violent deaths, cattle-raids, abductions, battles, feasts, and
revenges. It has its great heroes like Cuchulainn and Conchobor,
abounds in eloquent speeches, describes in detail the warriors'
weapons, clothes, and personal appearance. Moreover these
prose-tales often contain pieces of verse, usually in the form of
speeches but sometimes narrative. In The Courtship of Fcrb,
which tells how Conchobor attacks a wedding-party and causes a
great slaughter, the verse is narrative and older than the prose in
which it is embedded.2 Moreover, this verse is sometimes in the
form called " rhetorics ", which works with single lines and is
probably older than the more usual stanzas. In Ireland there
seems once to have been a heroic poetry which for some reason
failed to hold the field and survives fragmentarily in prose sagas.
Something of the same kind may have happened among the
Turcomans, who have a large cycle of prose tales about the hero
Kurroglou.3 They begin with his birth and end with his death,
and have an undeniably heroic spirit in their accounts of plunder-
ing attacks on caravans, the hero's visits in disguise to the camps
of his enemies, the single combats in which he is not always
victorious, his unscrupulous revenges. The hero himself often
1 Something of the same kind seems to have happened in Egypt, though
there the deterrent force was the power of the Pharaohs, who saw themselves
as the companions of the gods ; cf. the victory-song of Thothmes the Great
quoted by H. R. Hall, Ancient History of the Near Fast, 4th cdn. (London,
1919), p. 250 ff.
z A. H. Leahy, The Courtship of Ferb, London, 1902, gives both prose and
poetry in English translation.
3 A. Chodzo, Specimens of the Popular Poetry of Persia, London, 1842.
15
HEROIC POETRY
breaks into song for which verse is used, but the main narrative
is in prose. This art has much in common with the heroic poetry
of the Kara-Kirghiz, but though the authors know how to compose
poetry, they restrict it and never, it seems, use it for actual narrative.
Here, as in Ireland, it looks as if for some technical or artistic
reason prose were preferred to verse. The heroic spirit remains,
but perhaps because oral improvisation never reached so high a
level among the Turcomans as among the Kara- Kirghiz, prose
became the usual medium for a story. In restricting verse to
songs and speeches made by the heroes the poets show a nicer
sense of style than their Irish counterparts. No doubt in this they
use many traditional and conventional means, and, since the scale
is not usually large, are able to master the problems raised by
improvisation. The existence of this anomalous mixed art of
prose and verse in two widely separated peoples suggests that, just
as in Ireland heroic poetry once existed but was gradually dis-
placed by prose, the same thing may have happened among the
Turcomans, who are sufficiently close to the Kara- Kirghiz to
have the same poetical forms and may once have had a heroic
poetry, but with them, as with the Irish, this seems to have been
largely superseded by prose and kept only for dramatic speeches
and the like inside a prose-narrative.
Heroic poetry, then, resembles panegyric and lament in its
general outlook and primitive pre-heroic poetry in much of its
technique. It is dangerous to deduce too much from this, but,
if we are right in thinking that panegyric and lament represent a
stage earlier than that of objective heroic poetry, it is possible
that the latter comes into existence when pre-heroic, shamanistic
poetry is touched by the spirit of panegyric or lament, and the
result is a new kind of poetry which keeps the form of objective
narrative but uses it to tell stories which embody a new ideal of
manhood. Once a society has come to see that man will do more
by his own efforts than by a belief in magic, and to believe that
such efforts do him credit, it alters its whole philosophy. It may
well come to its first inklings of such an outlook through its
delight in some individual achievement or its grief at some out-
standing loss, but it cannot be long before it wishes to see these
newly discovered qualities presented on a wider and less im-
permanent stage, and then it takes to heroic poetry, which tells
how great men live and die and fulfil the promise to which they
are born. Whether this theory is true or not, it remains likely that
heroic poetry learns much on the one side from shamanistic narra-
tive with its ability to tell a story for its own sake, and on the other
16
THE HEROIC POEM
side from panegyric and lament with their affectionate emphasis
on the gifts which win for a man the admiration of his fellows.
Some indication of this process and development may be seen
in Russia. In the twelfth century Kiev was the centre of Russian
civilisation and had its own school of poetry. There, we may be
certain, were produced by liny r or heroic lays such as still flourish
in outlying parts of Russia. From Kiev come many of the persons
and events which survive in modern by liny, and there too is the
landscape which is still described by bards who themselves live
and work in quite different surroundings. Of these early byliny
no example survives. What we have is the Tale of Igor's Raid,
which was composed in nSy.2 It tells a heroic story in a grand
manner and uses certain devices common in the byliny, notably
some " fixed " epithets and a kind of " negative comparison "
which serves as a simile. It is conceived on a generous scale and
is considerably longer than most panegyrics. But it is none the
less a panegyric, not a heroic poem. The raid which it records
took place in 1185, and the poem tells the dramatic story, draws
practical morals from it, and pays a tribute to the reigning house
of Kiev. If it resembles a heroic poem in the objectivity of its
narrative and in the speeches spoken by its characters, it betrays
itself as a panegyric at the close :
Glory to Igor, son of Svyatoslav,
To the brave bull, Vsevolod,
To Vladimir, son of Igor !
Long live the princes and their men
Who fight for Christians against infidels !
Glory to the princes and their men !
The Tale of Igor's Raid is on the very edge of heroic poetry, and
comes from a society which practised it. In it we can see how
closely the two types are related and how easy it must have been
to move from panegyric to objective narrative.
At the same time the Tale of Igor's Raid knows of an earlier
and different kind of poetry, which seems to have been pre-heroic
and shamanistic. At the start the poet discusses whether he shall
begin his song " in accordance with the facts of the time " and
not " like the invention of Boyan ". He then goes on to say :
1 The word bylina (plural byliny} is now commonly used for a Russian heroic
poem. It was first used by Sakharov in his Pesni russkago naroda in 1839, where
he took it from the phrase po bylinam in the Tale of Igor's Raid, which means
" according to the facts ".
2 In La Geste du Prince Igor (New York, 1948), p. 146, M. Szeftel dates the
composition of the work between September 25th and the end of October 1187.
In the same volume, pp. 235-360, R. Jakobson refutes the theory of A. Mazon
that the Tale is an " Ossianic " composition of the eighteenth century.
HEROIC POETRY
For the seer Boyan, when he wished
To make a song for any man,
Would fly in fancy over the trees,
Race like a grey wolf over the earth,
Soar like a blue-grey eagle below the clouds.
Recalling, says he,
The fights of old times
He would loose ten falcons
On a flock of swans ;
Whichever swan was overtaken
Was the first to sing a song.
But indeed Boyan did not loose
Ten falcons on a flock of swans, my brethren,
But laid his own magic fingers on the living strings,
And they themselves would sound forth
The glory of the princes,
Of old Yaroslav, of brave Matislav,
Who slew Rodelya before the Circassian hosts,
Of Roman, son of Svyatoslav, the handsome.
A little later the poet addresses Boyan and wishes that he were
alive to tell of Igor's host :
O Boyan, nightingale of olden times,
If only you could sing of these hosts,
Flitting, nightingale, through the tree of fancy,
Soaring in your mind beneath the clouds,
Weaving songs of praise around the present,
Racing on the Trojan track,
Across the plains to the mountains.
The poet of the Tale distinguishes between the new art of poetry
which he himself practises and which, as we see, is realistic and
factual, and the older art which Boyan practised. What he says
is instructive. When Boyan is called a " seer " and said to race
like a wolf or fly like an eagle, we are irresistibly reminded of the
words used in popular lays for primitive heroes like Volga
Vseslavich :
He could swim as a pike in the deep seas,
Fly as a falcon under the clouds,
Race as a grey wolf over the open plains.1
Just as Volga is half a magician or a shaman and able to change
his shape, so Boyan surely claimed similar powers for himself and
must have been a shamanistic bard who acquired his knowledge
by magical means. The poet of the Tale rationalises Boyan 's
powers by adding such words as "in fancy " to his account of
them, but the old conception of the bard shines through. More-
1 Rybnikov, i, p. 10.
18
THE HEROIC POEM
over, the comparison between Boyan and the man who catches
swans with falcons makes a special point. Boyan tells of the past,
of which he has no personal knowledge, by a kind of divination.
He sets his powers loose, and the result is a song. This means
that Boyan relied on inspiration to a high degree and no doubt
made special claims to it. Though he told of historical events,
he did so in a pre-heroic way. We can, then, see in Russia a
scheme of development which conforms to our theory of the
origins of heroic poetry. The Russian by liny, with their account
of heroes and heroic doings, seem to be derived from a pre-heroic
manner, like that of Boyan, but their spirit owes much to
panegyrics like the Tale of Igor's Raid.
A development on similar lines may perhaps have taken place
in ancient Greece, though the evidence is fragmentary and in-
conclusive. The full fruit of heroic poetry is of course to be
found in the Homeric poems, but there are indications that they
were preceded by poetry of a different kind. The Greeks
attributed their first poetry to Musaeus and Orpheus. They may
never have existed, and certainly nothing of their work survives,
but the legends about them reveal an early view of a poet's nature
and functions. In the first place, he was a magician. Both
Herodotus r and Plato 2 attribute magical powers to Musaeus, and
Euripides does to Orpheus.3 In the second place the early poet
possessed a very special knowledge, not merely of all things on
earth but of the past and the future as well. The words which
Homer uses of the prophet Calchas, that " he knew what is and
what will be and what was before ",4 are applied in a slightly
different form by Hesiod to himself when he tells how the Muses
appeared to him on Mount Helicon and gave him the gift of
song.5 If Hesiod claims the powers of a prophet or magician,
he shows his affinity not merely to Musaeus and Orpheus but to
modern shamans who claim a knowledge no less extensive. For
instance, the Swedish ethnographer Castrcn met a certain Kogel-
Khan, who said of himself: " I am a shaman who knows the
future, the past, and everything which is taking place in the
present, both above and below the earth ".6 This knowledge of
history is matched by a knowledge of the physical world. Just as
Tatar sages are said to know the number of stars in the sky, of fish
1 viii, 96 ; ix, 43. 2 Rep. 364^ ; Prot, 3i6d. 3 Ale. 968, Cycl. 646.
4 //. i, 70. On an Etruscan mirror in the Vatican Calchas is depicted with
wings, a sign, as J. D. Beazley shows, J.H,S. Ixix (1949), p. 5, that he resembles
a shaman. 5 Theogony, 32.
6 Castrcn, Nordische Reisen und Forschungen, St. Petersburg (1866), iv,
p. 202.
19
HEROIC POETRY
in the sea, and of flowers on the earth,1 so Greek legend records
that there was once a contest between the seers, Calchas and
Mopsos, about the number of figs on a tree, in which Mopsos
won.2 This shamanistic element seems to lurk in the background
of Greek poetry, and though there is no trace of it in Homer, it
makes an appearance later with Aristeas of Proconnesus, who was
said to be able to survey the whole earth by freeing his soul
from his body.3 The Greeks, with their love of fact and reason,
disowned the old magical claims, but they lay somewhere in the
background and were connected by tradition with their first
poetry.
On the other hand the Greeks also had panegyrics and laments
and shared the outlook which these represent. Both may be found
in Homer. When Achilles kills Hector, he turns to his followers
and says :
" Now let us lift up a song of triumph, young men, Achaeans,
Unto our hollow ships let us go and take him with us there.
Great is the fame we have won ; we have killed great Hector,
the god-like,
Unto whom, as a god, the Trojans prayed in their city." 4
This is a simple panegyric, which the hero, not entirely out of
character, sings with his companions to his own honour. So too
when Thetis hears of Patroclus' death, she leads the lamentation
and her Nereids join in it.5 Again, when Patroclus' body is
brought to him, Achilles laments in a similar way ; 6 and when
Hector's body is brought back to Troy, the Trojan women lament
him.7 Homer knew both panegyrics and laments, and adapted
them skilfully to his heroic poem. Of course he is far from any
shamanistic claims or practice, but his forerunners who fashioned
the mighty measures of Greek heroic poetry may at some early
date have found that the respect for human achievement which is
reflected in panegyrics and laments opened up new prospects for
narrative, and so abandoned the old magical associations.
Heroic poetry lives side by side with panegyric and lament and
fulfils its own different function. While they are intended
primarily for special persons and special occasions, it is intended
for public gatherings and may be performed whenever it is asked
for. But there is inevitably some interaction between the two
kinds. The same style and metres may be used indiscriminately
in both ; the heroic outlook and sometimes heroic themes pass
1 N. K. Chadwick, Poetry and Prophecy (London, 1942), p. 2.
2 Hesiod, fr. 160. 3 Maximus Tyrius, x, 3. 4 //. xxii, 391-4.
5 Ibid, xviii, 50-51. 6 Ibid. 315-16- 7 Ibid, xxiv, 720-22.
20
THE HEROIC POEM
from one to the other. The result is that each influences the
other, and it is not always easy to decide to which kind some poems
belong. For instance, the Anglo-Saxon Brunanburh tells of the
defeat inflicted by Aethelstan on the allied armies of Constantine,
king of Scots, and Anlaf, king of Dublin, in 937. It tells its story
in a heroic spirit, and looks like a heroic poem in its delight over a
victorious action and in its appreciation of the glory which
Aethelstan has won. On the other hand it certainly praises
Aethelstan and his men and has some airs of a panegyric when it
comes to its triumphant close :
Never in number
On this island in years aforetime
Waxed such dire destruction of war-men
Slain by the sword-edge, since — as the books say,
Wise old writers, — from the East wending,
Angles and Saxons hither came sailing,
Over broad billows broke into Britain,
Haughty warriors harried the Welshmen,
Earls hungry for glory gat hold of the land.1
Brunanburh stands so nicely poised between panegyric and heroic
lay that it is pedantic to try to assign it definitely to one or the
other class. No doubt it was written to please Aethelstan after
the battle, but in doing so the poet copied heroic models and
almost succeeded in making the poem stand in its own right.
A similar interaction between heroic poetry and lament can
be seen in the Greek Death of the Emperor Constantine Dragazis,
which must have been composed soon after the capture of Con-
stantinople by the Turks in 1453 and laments both the fall of the
city and the death in battle of the last Byzantine Emperor. That
it is really a lament is clear from the opening lines :
O Christian men of East and West, make oh make lamentation,
Bewail and shed your tears upon the greatness of this ruin.
Having begun like this, it becomes factual and objective. It gives
the exact date of the capture, Thursday, May agth, 1453, and
then describes how the conquerors tear down images, break
crosses, ride on horseback into churches, kill priests, and rape
virgins. This too is perhaps suitable for a lament. But from
this the poet passes to what is very like heroic narrative, and tells
of the death of the emperor :
And when Constantine Dragazis, king of Constantinople,
Heard news of what had come to pass, of hard and heavy matters,
He made lament, was red with grief, could find no consolation.
1 Brunanburh, 65-73.
21
HEROIC POETRY
His lance he took up in his hand, his sword he girt around him,
And then he mounted on his mare, his mare with the white fetlocks,
And struck with blows the impious dogs, the Turks, the sons of Hagar.
Sixty janissaries he killed, he also killed ten pashas,
But his sword was broken in his hand, and his great lance was
shattered ;
Alone, alone he waited there, and no one came to help him ;
He lifted up his eyes towards heaven and spoke a prayer :
" O God and Lord omnipotent, who hast the world created,
Take pity on Thy people and take pity on this city ! "
Then a Turk struck him heavily, upon his head he struck him,
And from his charger to the ground fell Constantine the luckless,
And on the ground he lay outstretched, with blood and dust upon him.
From his body they cut the head, and on a pike they fixed it,
And underneath a laurel-tree made burial for his body.1
The poem begins like a lament and ends like a heroic lay, but, if
it must be classified, it is undeniably a lament.
Another interaction between the two kinds of poem can be
seen in many pieces which are not concerned with present events
as immediate occasions and are, therefore, strictly speaking,
heroic, but are none the less much influenced in their form by
lament. Though Welsh poetry contains almost no strictly heroic
narrative, it contains a number of laments for figures of the heroic
age, like those for Owein, the son of Urien, and Cunedda in the
Book of Taliesin, and for Urien and Cynddylan in the Red Book
of Hergest* while Irish has a lament for Cuchulainn by his wife
Emer.3 In other countries lament passes imperceptibly into
heroic narrative and leaves a marked impress on many pieces.
Some Russian byliny look very like laments for historical personages
and have even developed a standard shape. For instance, poems
on the deaths of Ivan the Terrible, Peter the Great, Catherine II,
and Alexander I 4 all follow the same scheme. There is first an
overture in which the melancholy scene is set by an appropriate
simile ; then the poet describes a young soldier standing on
guard ; finally the soldier tells what the sovereign's death means
to the army, and what he says is a pure lament. In these poems
there is a basis of contemporary history, though of course the
authors of the existing versions are far removed in time from the
great figures who are mourned. Some pieces in the Elder Edda,
notably the First Lay of Guthrun, make their dramatic effect by
speeches in which different characters lament their own woes and
1 Legrand, p. 75 ff. For other versions of the same story cf. Garratt,
p. 278 IT. ; Passow, no. cxciv.
z Chadwick, Growth, i, p. 38. 3 Idem, p. 54.
4 Chadwick, R.H.P. pp. 210, 274, 284, 290.
22
THE HEROIC POEM
losses. The Bulgarian Death of the Warrior Marko begins with
Marko's mother looking for her son at dawn and asking the sun
where he is, continues with the sun's story of his death, and ends
with the eagles mourning his loss.1 Some Ukrainian dumy are
constructed almost entirely as laments, like The Prisoner's Com-
plaint, which begins with five lines telling of a Cossack in prison,
and then continues with forty-seven lines in which he bewails
his woes.2 In these cases the heroic poem becomes more actual
by borrowing from the lament, but the heroic form still survives.
The story is told for its own sake and has no external reference.
It keeps its distance from its subject and has a dramatic independ-
ence as a creation of the imagination rather than as a comment on
a historical event.
The actions related in heroic poetry are primarily those of
human beings. It is anthropocentric in the sense that it celebrates
men by showing of what high deeds they are capable. It therefore
differs from another kind of poetry which resembles it in some
respects and with which it may originally have been united. This
other poetry tells of the doings of gods. Hesiod's Theogonv,
which is almost purely theological, is composed in the same
metre, and in very much the same language, as the Homeric poems,
while the Norse Elder Edda, which is the work of several authors,
contains poems about both men and gods. But the poets them-
selves seem to have recognised some distinction between the two
kinds. Hesiod opens the Theogony by saying that the Muses
have told him to sing of " the race of the Blessed Gods ", while
Homer opens the Odyssey by telling the Muse to sing of "a
man ". So too the poems of the Elder Edda never confuse the two
subjects and may be divided easily into lays of gods and lays of
men, thus maintaining a distinction which seems to have existed
in old German poetry, of which the two oldest surviving examples
are Muspili about the Last Judgment and llildebrand about a
fight between father and son. On the other hand the gods play a
large part in Homer, and the Odyssey contains a pure lay of the
gods in Demodocus' song of Ares and Aphrodite. So too in
Gilgamish and in Aqhat the gods take a prominent part in the
action. In the early days of heroic poetry this may well have
been common, but the distinction between the two kinds still
holds. Truly heroic poetry deals with men, and though it may
introduce gods into the action, the main interest is in men. In
more modern times lays of the gods have in some countries been
replaced by lays of saints. These are common in Russia and often
1 Derzhavin, p. 83. * Scherrer, p. 60.
23 c
HEROIC POETRY
contain heroic elements, like the Vigil of St. Dmitri,1 which is
superficially concerned with the victory which Dmitri Donskoi
won over the Tatars at Kulikovo in 1378, but is really a poem in
honour of God and His Saints who are more responsible than
Dmitri for the victory ; or in the different poems which tell of
the killing of the princes Boris and Gleb, sons of Vladimir I, by
their elder brother, Svyatopolk.2 Wishing to get the whole
kingdom for himself, he has them murdered and their bodies cast
into the woods, where they remain uncorrupted for thirty years,
when divine signs show that they are saints and lead to their
burial. So too the Jugoslavs have poems in which the emphasis is
not on heroic doings but on suffering and martyrdom, like Sitneun
the Foundling, which is in fact a piece of hagiology in a heroic
dress ; 3 and, rather differently, the tale of King Stjepan, who is
chidden by his ecclesiastics for serving wine to his guests, and
when he ceases to do so, is struck on the cheek by an Archangel.4
In these, as in the Russian poems, the interest turns on a religious
scheme of values in which the hero is submerged in the saint or
the sinner. In Christian countries saints provide the kind of
poetry which pagan countries give to their gods. Just as the
Homeric Hymns, which tell stories of the gods, stress the inferiority
of men, so Christian poems of saints reject the heroic conception
of man as a self-sufficient being, and place him in a subordinate
position in a scheme where the chief characters are God and His
angels.
It is possible that these poems about gods and saints are the
direct progeny of a truly heroic poetry, in which gods and men
both take part. That this is an ancient art is clear both from the
Homeric poems and from Gilgamish and Aqhat. The sharp
division between the two kinds of lays in the Elder Edda looks
like a sophisticated development of an art in which gods and men
mingled more freely. Both the Volsungasaga and Saxo Gram-
maticus preserve stories in which Othin appears, and it is perhaps
significant that the Eddie Reginsmal confines to the world of gods
an action which the Saga divides between gods and men. That
such methods existed in old Germanic poetry may be suspected
from the story in the Origo Gentis Langobardorum 5 in which
Ambri and Assi, the Vandal leaders, ask Wodan to give them
victory over the Winniles. Wodan replies : " Whomsoever I
shall first look upon, when the sun rises, to them will I give
1 Bezsonov, i, p. 673 ff.
2 Idem, p. 625 ff., gives thirteen versions of the poem.
3 Karadzic, ii, p. 57 ff. 4 Idem, p. 93 ff.
5 P. 2 ff. ; Paulus Diaconus, i, 8 ; cf. Chadwick, PI. A. p. 115.
24
THE HEROIC POEM
victory ". Then Gambara and her two sons, the Winnile
chieftains, Ibor and Aio, ask Fria for her help, and she tells them
to come at sunrise with their wives disguised as men by letting
down their hair to look like beards. At the moment of sunrise
Fria turns the bed on which her husband Wodan lies towards
the east and wakes him; he sees the Winniles and asks, " Who
are those long-beards ? " Fria replies, " As you have given them
a name, give them also victory ", and he does. This episode
recalls the Iliad in that the chief god and his wife take sides in a
war between men, and the goddess tricks her husband into giving
the victory to her favourites. It looks as if the old Germanic
poetry contained stories in which the gods mingled freely in the
affairs of men, as they certainly do not in the Elder Etlda.
These considerations suggest that we can trace a series of
stages in the development of primitive narrative poetry. At the
start is shamanistic poetry in which the chief character is the
magician, and magic is the main means of success. This is touched
by the new spirit of a man-centred universe which, appearing
separately in panegyric and lament, then invades narrative and
produces a heroic poetry in which gods and men both take part.
This in turn bifurcates into the poetry of gods and the poetry
of men. Heroic poetry proper thus covers the whole of the
second stage and half of the third. It is composed in the convic-
tion that its characters belong to a special superior class, which it
sets apart in a curious kind of past. Just as the Greeks believed
that for a period which lasted for some four generations and had
as its main events the sieges of Thebes and of Troy, men were
heroes and performed tasks unusually hazardous and glorious, so
the Germanic peoples in Germany, Scandinavia, England, Ice-
land, and Greenland believed in a heroic age of some two centuries
which contained the great figures of Ermanaric, Attila, and
Theodoric, and had as one of its chief episodes the destruction
of the Burgundians by the Huns. Something of the same kind
may be seen in mediaeval France with its conception of a heroic
society clustered round Charlemagne in his wars against the
Saracens ; in Armenia with its arrangement of heroic legends
round four generations of which the most important is dominated
by David of Sasoun and his wars against the Egyptians and the
Persians ; in Albania with its cycle of tales about wars between
the Mohammedan Albanians and the Christian Slavs after the
Turkish invasion. Modern scholarship has usually been able to
relate these different heroic ages to an established chronology.
If there is still some doubt whether the Trojan War took place
HEROIC POETRY
early in the twelfth century B.C., there is no doubt about the
existence of the great Germanic heroes in the fourth, fifth, and
sixth centuries A.D., or of Charlemagne about 800, or of David of
Sasoun in the tenth century, or of Albanian wars in the fifteenth.
But the poets are not interested in dates and hardly mention
them ; nor, if asked, would they be able to supply them. What
matters is a scheme which brings persons and events together
and provides a general plan within which the poet can work.
The same is true of other cycles for which no historical foundation
has been found. The Kara- Kirghiz centre their poems round
the great figures of Manas, his son and his grandson ; the Kalmucks
round Dzhangar ; and the Ossetes round the Narts with their
leaders, Uryzmag and Batradz. So conceived a heroic age has a
unity and completeness. What happens outside it is of little
importance and receives scant notice. Round certain places, such
as Troy or the Rhine or Aix-la-Chapelle or Sasoun or the Tien-
Shan or the borders of Tibet or the Caucasus, memory gathers a
number of stories between which there are many interrelations.
The different characters who play their parts in such a cycle are
sufficiently connected with each other for the whole to present an
air of unity. This system has the advantage that by bringing
well-known figures into new relations poets can widen the scope
of their art and throw new light on old themes.
This simple conception is, however, not universal. Not all
countries have heroic ages so clearly defined as those mentioned
above. The remains of heroic poetry in Spain suggest that such
a cycle never existed there. The Cid tells of events in the eleventh
century, but fragments of other poems are concerned with earlier
periods.1 The tale of Conde Fernan Gonzalez belongs to the
tenth century, that of the Infante Garcia to the eleventh, as do
those of the sons of King Sancho of Navarre and of Sancho 1 1 and
Zamora. These stories are hardly connected with one another,
except that they belong to the history of Castile, and there is no
indication either of a heroic age or of a heroic cycle. In modern
Greece a long sequence of historical events has inspired poets to
many unrelated songs.2 The earliest events belong to the career
of Digenis Akritas, who is thought to have died in 788 on the
Anatolian frontier of the Byzantine Empire, but other poems tell
of the flight of Alexius Comnenus in 1081, the siege of Adrianople
by Amurath in 1361, the fall of Constantinople in 1453, the battle
1 Cf. R. Men^ndez Pidal, Poesia juglaresca y juglares (Madrid, 1924),
p. 317 ff.
2 Cf. Entwistle, p. 307 ff.
THE HEROIC POEM
of Lepanto in 1571, the defeat of AH Pasha hy Botzaris in 1792,
the defence of Missolonghi in 1824, and events even more modern
down to our own time. Though some Jugoslav lays are concerned
with the battle of Kosovo, where the Serbian kingdom went down
before the Turks in 1389, this is not the only or indeed the most
popular centre of interest. Some poems tell of events before
it, others of the fifteenth century, or the revolt of 1804, or even
of the wars of the twentieth century. The Albanians have poems
on Skanderbeg or their fights with the Slavs, but they have many
poems on other times and other subjects. Similarly though many
of the Russian byliny are centred on Vladimir, prince of Kiev,
who reigned from 1113 to 1125, many others tell of later events
in the times of Ivan the Terrible, the false Dmitri, Peter the Great,
Potemkin, Alexander I, Lenin, and Stalin. These later figures
are not usually confused with those of an earlier age and tend to
fall into independent cycles of their own. The poets treat them
as separate parts of their repertory but regard them all as equally
heroic. Even when a cycle is firmly established, as it is with the
Germanic peoples, the poets sometimes desert it to sing of con-
temporary events, as in 77?^ Battle of Hafsfjord, which tells of the
victory by which in 872 Harold Fairhaired made himself king of
all Norway. So too Maldon, which is more austerely and more
essentially heroic than any other Anglo-Saxon poem, was corn-
posed after a battle between the English and the Norsemen in 991.
Evidently the poet thought that such a battle was in the true
heroic tradition and should be celebrated accordingly. The
strength of such a tradition can be seen in the use of the old
alliterative measure for the poem Scottish Field, written after the
defeat of the Scots by Henry VIII at Flodden in 1513. The
heroic spirit may live so long and remain so lively that its poets
refuse to confine it to the limits of a cycle, and do not shrink from
singing about events of recent times.
Secondly, though we ourselves may like to date a heroic age,
if we can, and relate it to some historical scheme, we may well
doubt if the poets do anything of the kind. Homer gives no
indication of date for the Siege of Troy, and such dates as we
have are the production of Greek chronographers who lived
centuries after him. Gilgamish is equally silent and moves in a
self-contained world of the past. The same is true of the Kal-
mucks, the Kara- Kirghiz, the Uzbeks, and the Ossetes. The
author of Roland may perhaps assume that his audience knows
when his heroes lived, but he does not help with information
about it. On the whole, heroic poetry gives no indications of date.
HEROIC POETRY
To this general rule there are some exceptions. A very few poems,
like a Russian poem on the death of Skopin ' and a Greek poem
on the capture of Constantinople,2 actually supply dates. The
first may be due to literary influence, the second to the importance
of an occasion which had become a landmark in history and was
remembered as a day of terrible disaster. More commonly, a
vague formula connects a story with a remote past. So the Kazak
Sain Batyr begins with the words :
When earlier generations lived,
When forgotten peoples lived . . .3
The Norse Short Lay of Sigurth and Atlamdl use a short formula
" of old ", while the First Lay of Ilelgi Hundingsbane is rather
more elaborate :
In olden clays when eagles screamed
and the Lay of Hamther takes two lines :
Not now, nor yet of yesterday was it,
Long the time that since hath lapsed.
None the less very little is said, and the poet is plainly indifferent
to chronology. The Russian poets do something else. They
begin a poem by connecting it with some prince or tsar, as
Glorious Vladimir of royal Kiev,
He prepared a glorious honourable feast,
or
In mother Moscow, in stone-built Moscow,
Our Tsar was reigning, Ivan Vasilevich.
This is useful chiefly for showing to what cycle an episode belongs.
Nor do the poets always use it. Though Ilya of Murom is closely
connected with Vladimir, at least one poem neglects the connec-
tion and begins :
Who is there who could tell us about the old days,
About the old days, and what happened long ago ? 4
When a modern composer of byliny, Marfa Kryukova, begins her
Tale of Lenin, she follows custom in not worrying too much about
dates. She feels that she must say something ; she may even
know that Lenin was born in the reign of Alexander II, but she
does not trouble to be precise, and places her story simply and
firmly in the bad old days :
1 Kireevski, vii, p. ir.
2 Legrand, p. 75. For another Greek example cf. Baggally, p. 70.
3 Radlov, iii, p. 205. f Kireevski, i, p. i.
28
THE HEROIC POEM
In those days, in former days,
In those times, in former times,
Under Big-Idol Tsar of foul memory. . . .*
The truth is that composers of heroic poetry are not really
interested in chronology and know very little about it. They are
usually unlettered and cannot consult the books in which history
is set out as a sequence of events with dates. For them a heroic
tale has an existence with other tales of the same kind, and its
interest is not consciously historical but broadly and simply
human. So far as they have a conception of a heroic age, it is
artistic. It simplifies a mass of material, relates different stories
to one another, and conjures up a world in which heroes live and
act and die. This is different both from the outlook of panegyrics
and laments which are concerned with some particular occasion
already known to the audience, and from the outlook of romance
which sets its characters in some never-never-land of the fancy.
This art, which is concerned with the great doings of men,
tells stories because men like to hear them. The poet wishes not
to instruct but to delight his audience. Modern travellers who
have studied the performances of heroic poems among the
Russian, the Jugoslavs, and the Asiatic Tatars agree that the
poet's sole aim is to give pleasure. His is an artistic performance,
to which the guests or the crowd enjoy listening. This confirms
what some heroic poets say about their art. Though Hesiod was
not a great composer of heroic songs, he knew about them and
says that, when a man is full of sorrow, he should listen to songs
of glorious deeds and he will be cheered.2 Homer illustrates how
this happens. His bards claim that their performances give
pleasure and, after holding the company in thrall, are con-
gratulated for their skill.3 The same thing happens in Beowulf
at the feast which follows the rout of Grendel, when there is
recitation and music, and there is no doubt of their success :
The lay was finished,
The gleeman's song. Then glad rose the revel ;
Bench-joy brightened. 4
Heroic poets assume that their task is to give pleasure through
their art, and they depict imaginary bards as doing this. For this
reason heroic poetry is a notably objective art. The poets can
think of no better entertainment than stories of great men and
great doings.
1 Andreev, p. 523. * Theogony, 97-103.
3 Od. i, 337, 347 ; viii, 44-5. 4 Beowulf, 1066-8.
2Q
HEROIC POETRY
To this general practice there are some not very significant
exceptions. The fervent patriotism of the Jugoslavs overflows
into their heroic poetry and often provides its special character.
The bards assume, no doubt correctly, that their audiences enjoy
hearing of great national efforts. But sometimes this perfectly
legitimate interest may become a little didactic, and the poem
then becomes a means to inflame patriotism by noble examples.
Even so the didactic element is not very aggressive, and we may
hardly notice it in such a description of heroic songs as we find in
llaramabasa Curia :
Then the heroes sang the songs of heroes
To the music of the maple gusle,
Songs about the deeds of ancient heroes,
I low this one was famous in the marches
And how he did honour to his brothers,
By his courage and fair reputation,
And still lives to-day in song and story
As a pride and glory to the nation.1
But after all, national pride is a legitimate pleasure, and heroic
poetry cannot fail at times to promote it. The same excuse can
hardly be made for the many gnomic and moralising passages
which give Beowulf an almost unique place among heroic poems.
Not only does the poet make his characters enounce a number of
impeccable maxims, but he himself intersperses improving reflec-
tions, as when he points out the different destinies that await
the good and the bad after death (184 tf.), or praises the advantage's
of generosity (20 ff.), or announces that a man must trust in his
own strength (1534). He passes laudatory judgment both on
Scyld and on Beowulf in the same words — " that was a good
king " (i i and 2390) — and, though he praises gentleness and kind-
ness, he is enough of this world to praise the glory which it gives
( 1 387 ff.). The poet might almost be regarded as an early exponent
of that moralising for which his countrymen have shown such a
predilection in later times, but a more likely explanation is that,
since he stands on the threshold between a heroic outlook and a
Christian, he is sometimes hard pressed to combine both, and
does so only by emphatic maxims which proclaim that, despite
his primitive story, he is a good Christian at heart.
_ Heroic poetry is impersonal, objective, and dramatic. The
story is its chief concern. It is not addressed to any single patron,
but stands in its own world, complete and independent, and
conjures up its figures, their setting and their behaviour. Despite
1 Morison, p. 10.
3°
THE HEROIC POEM
great differences of skill and quality most poets do what Aristotle
says of Homer : " Homer, with little prelude, leaves the stage
to his personages, men and women, all of them with characters
of their own JV Heroic poetry is indeed close to drama in its lack
of criticisms and comments. Whatever direction the poet may
give to his story, he keeps it vivid and independent. In primitive
societies the audiences who listen to him partake in their imagina-
tions of the events related, as if they themselves were spectators
of them. They are held by excitement at what happens, by
anticipation of what will come next, by the special appeal of this
or that character or episode or description. No doubt they form
their own likes and dislikes for characters, their own approvals
and disapprovals, but these are natural and simple reactions.
The poet's hearers hardly need his help to tell them what to
think. They agree with him in a general conception of what men
ought to be and follow him easily without fuss as he unfolds
his tale.
This dramatic objectivity can be seen in the large part given
to speeches delivered by the different characters. Wherever
heroic poetry exists, speeches are to be found and are among its
peculiar glories. In Homer or Beowulf or Roland they are con-
ceived on a generous scale. The Kara- Kirghiz and Uzbek poets
use them with an even broader scope. One of their functions is
to fill in the background of a hero's life with reminiscence and
reference, as Homer makes Nestor boast of his lost youth or
Phoenix tell of his lurid past. They can also touch on other
stories which lie outside the poet's immediate subject, as Homer
touches on Heracles or Perseus or Daedalus or Theseus or almost
forgotten wars which Priam fought against the Amazons or the
Pylians against the Arcadians on the river Celadon, or the poet of
Beowulf introduces references outside his immediate purview to
Sigemund or Heremod or Thryth or the war between the ( Teats
and the Swedes. Speeches also serve to reveal a hero's personality
by the way in which he speaks about himself. In Armenian
poems about David of Sasoun they give a delightful touch of
humanity and humour to the not always very heroic characters.
In the poems of the Achins they are said to be composed with a
good eye to dramatic effect, and one of the finest passages in the
poem Pochut Muhamat, which tells of Sumatran wars in the first
half of the eighteenth century, is that in which the mother of a
young prince urges him not to take part in an expedition to a
region where they fight not with cut and thrust but with fortifica-
1 Poetics> 14603 10.
HEROIC POETRY
tions and firearms.1 Speeches are of course useful as a kind of
action in themselves, especially when they are parts of a debate
or a quarrel, but the emotions which they express and their
personal approach to many matters of interest help the poet to
display his powers outside the bounds of strict narrative. By
identifying himself with his characters he can indulge emotion
and sentiment, and adds greatly to the richness and variety of his
poetry.
The fascination of dramatic speeches is so great that sometimes
they constitute almost complete poems, in which one or more of
the characters tell in their own persons what happens. There is a
strong tendency towards this in some pieces of the Elder Edda,
and it is notable that the old Danish poems translated into Latin
verse by Saxo Grammaticus all purport to be told by some heroic
character who speaks in the first person, though Saxo introduces
or explains them with prose passages in the third. It has been
thought that this use of the first person is very primitive and
anterior to the use of the third. But this seems unlikely for more
than one reason. In most primitive peoples the third person is
used, and there is no evidence that it has been preceded by the
first. Indeed the use of the first is very rare. Outside Saxo's
translations, which come from the very end of the Norse heroic
tradition, it exists mainly among the Ainus, whose art is highly
accomplished, and in some old Turkic inscriptions from the river
Orkhon, which are memorials to the dead and follow the con-
vention that the dead man speaks for himself. The third person
is the usual instrument for narrative, and when heroic poetry uses
the first, it is a sign not of primitive character but of an advanced
art which hopes to secure a greater dramatic effect by cutting out
the poet as an intermediary and bringing the audience into what
looks like direct contact with the heroes and heroines who tell
their own tales. We might be tempted to draw other conclusions
from such a poem as the Norse Helgakvitha Iljorvarthssonar,
where all the verse is dramatic, and any elements of narrative
are supplied by prose, but the text is certainly composite and
corrupt, and too much must not be deduced from it. In general,
we may say that the semi-dramatic form of some heroic poetry is
due to the poets' desire to present a situation as vividly as possible.
Since heroic poetry admits speeches freely, there is after all no
reason why a poem, especially a short poem, should not consist of
a speech or speeches and very little else. Such an art satisfies
the needs of narrative by keeping events vividly before us.
1 Hurgronje, ii, p. 95.
32
THE HEROIC POEM
When a situation is presented through words spoken by one
of the characters in it, the audience is made to feel that it listens
to some important participant in a great crisis and enjoys a first-
hand account of it. When the Ukrainian dumy, after a short
prelude or introduction, make some hero tell his own story, they
give a personal quality to it and show what it means to those
who take part in it. A good example of the same art can be seen
in a Russian by Una, which Richard James, an Oxford graduate,
recorded in Moscow in 1619, when he was chaplain to the English
merchants there. The poem is close to a lament and no doubt
owes much to the traditional form of the Russian plach, which is
still popular at funerals. It tells of the grief of Ksenya, daughter
of Boris Godunov, for her father, who died in 1605, and is thus
quite close to the events which it portrays and clothes with a
convincing actuality. In its short space it has considerable grace
and pathos and a sympathetic understanding of what her situa-
tion means to the bereaved princess :
The little white bird laments,
The little white quail :
" Alas, that I so young must mourn !
They will burn the green oak,
And destroy my little nest,
And kill my little fledglings,
And capture me, the quail."
The princess laments in Moscow :
" Alas, that I so young must mourn !
When the traitor comes to Moscow,
Grisha Otrepev, the unfrocked priest,
He will imprison me,
And, having imprisoned me, will shave off my hair
And put monastic vows on me.
But I do not wish to be a nun,
Or to keep monastic vows.
The dark cell must be thrown open
That I may look on fine young men.
Ah me, our pleasant corridors,
Who will walk along you,
After our royal life,
And after Boris Godunov ?
Alas, our pleasant halls,
Who will dwell within you,
After our royal life,
And after Boris Godunov ? " J
The appeal of this little poem is that it presents a pathetic situa-
tion from the view of someone who suffers in it, and this gives
1 Kireevski, vii, p. 58 ff., Chadwick, R.H.P. p. 219 ff.
33
HEROIC POETRY
the directness of a personal revelation. It owes much to the art of
the lament, but this has been transposed to a new use in which
narrative and drama are united.
Some Norse poems of the Elder Edda use a similar dramatic
technique with a greater boldness. While the Second Lay of
Guthrun is spoken throughout by a single character, other poems
give an interchange of speeches between two or three or four
characters. The dramatic effect is heightened because the poet
sometimes plunges straightway into speeches and does not say
who the speaker is. The speeches succeed each other in rapid
change and counterchange, and though each is short, the whole
effect is of a vivid, living scene. There is no need to think that
the different parts were originally taken by separate performers.
Indeed the Nornagests Saga indicates that one performer was
enough, since it tells of a stranger's visit to the court of King
Olaf Tryggvason and of his recitation of Brynhild's Hell Ride,
which is entirely a dialogue between Brynhild and a giantess.1
The dramatic art of the Elder Edda is not that of a mimetic rite
but an extension of narrative towards drama by making it more
concentrated and more vivid. A good performer would no doubt
do something towards acting the different parts, but the result
is still narrative. The special power of this art can be seen from
the First Lay of Guthrun. Its subject is Guthrun's grief at
Sigurth's death, and it shows this in its tragic strength, first by
telling of Guthrun's silence while other women lament their woes :
Then did Guthrun think to die
When she by Sigurth sorrowing sat ;
Tears she had not, nor wrung her hands,
Nor ever wailed as other women.2
Then Guthrun breaks into her lament, and with that, we might
almost think the poem should end. But the story is not yet
complete. Guthrun's lament awakes qualms in Brynhild and
makes her feel bitter regret for encompassing Sigurth's death.
The poem is almost a drama, in which speeches take the place of
action until the unexpected climax comes.
A special dramatic device used in long heroic poems is that
by which an important hero tells part of his own story in the first
person. The classic case of this is the tale which Odysseus tells
to Alcinous and his court of his wanderings from the sack of
Troy to his arrival on Calypso's island. This story has of course
1 Cap. 9 ; cf. N. Kershaw, Stories and Ballads of the Far Past, p. 33 ff.
2 Guthninarkvithat i, i.
34
THE HEROIC POEM
been frequently imitated in " literary " epic from Virgil to
Voltaire. But Homer is not unique among " primitive " poets in
his use of the device. In Gilgamish Uta-Napishtim, the Baby-
lonian precursor of Noah, tells the story of the Flood, and in
modern times the Kara-Kirghiz bard, Sayakbai Karalaev, does
something similar when he makes Alaman Bet tell his own story
in some 4500 lines.1 In long poems this device brings considerable
advantages to the composition. It enables Homer to keep his plot
in hand and save it from becoming too episodic. The story told
by Odysseus has its own coherence because his personality
dominates it, whereas, if it were told in the third person, it would
certainly disturb the balance of the whole poem. But this method
has other advantages. By making the hero tell his own story the
poet brings him closer to us and makes his personality more vivid.
Just as Homer presents Odysseus' adventurous spirit through the
blithe recklessness with which he takes risks and then surmounts
them by brilliant improvisations, so in Gilgamish > when Uta-
Napishtim tells his own story and explains why the gods have
given him immortality, we see how different he is from Gilgamish
who seeks immortality but is destined not to win it, and Karalaev
gives a deeper insight into the character of Alaman Bet, who is by
birth a Chinese but has become a Moslem by conversion and is
something of an oddity in Kara-Kirghiz society. This device is
possible only in narrative of some scale, but is in fact an extension
of the dramatic speeches found in short poems like the Russian
by liny and the Norse Elder Edda.
From this it is no great step to composing a whole poem in the
first person as if the hero himself were relating it. This is what
the Ainus do both for poetical narrative and prose folk-tales.
Though it clearly makes the events more immediate and more
dramatic, there is no need to assume that it is shamanistic and
that the poet identifies himself with the hero. There is no call
for him to be anything more than an actor. Of course a simple
audience will always tend to identify the actor with the part which
he assumes and may well believe that for the moment it hears
the hero speaking about himself and his adventures. But this
device can be used in quite sophisticated poetry, like the Arabian
The Stealing of the Mare> in which the story is told by the hero,
Abu Zeyd, in the first person. It is true that he sometimes lapses
into the third, but that is no more than T. E. Lawrence's friend,
King Auda, used to do when he " spoke of himself in the third
person and was so sure of his fame that he loved to shout out
1 Manas, pp. 158-232.
HEROIC POETRY
stories against himself ".* The highly dramatic character of this
poem owes much to its special manner of narration.
Heroic poetry requires a metre, and it is remarkable that, as
the Chad wicks have shown,2 it is nearly always composed not in
stanzas hut in single lines. The line is the unit of composition,
and in any one poem only one kind of line is used. This is
obviously true of the dactylic hexameter of the Homeric poems,
the line with four " beats " of Gilgamish^ the accentual alliterative
verse of Old German and Anglo-Saxon, the Norse fornyrthislag
or " old verse " and mdlahdttr or " speech measure ",4 the verse
of the Russian byliny with its irregular number of syllables and
fixed number of artificially imposed stresses,5 the ten- and sixteen-
syllable trochaic lines of the Jugoslavs,6 the eight-syllable line of
the Bulgarians, the TTO\ITIKOS ari-xps or fifteen-syllable line of the
modern Greeks,7 the sixteen-syllable line, with internal rhymes,
of the Achins,8 and the Ainu line with its two stresses, each marked
by a tap of the reciter's stick. Each line exists in its own right
as a metrical unit and is used throughout a poem.
To this general rule there are exceptions both apparent and
real. Apparent exceptions are those cases in which series of lines
are bound together by final assonance or rhyme and look like
stanzas. The Kara-Kirghiz, Uzbeks, and Kazaks use a standard
line, thejyr, of three feet which vary from two to four syllables,
and the lines are grouped in sets of varying length which are held
together by assonance or the repetition of a word.0 In Roland
the line is of ten syllables, and groups of lines are held" by asson-
ance. In the Cid the line varies from ten to over twenty syllables
and may have had a fixed number of imposed stresses like the
Russian line, while the groups of lines are held by rude rhymes or
assonance. The Albanian lines, with seven or eight syllables and
trochaic rhythm, are similarly grouped. The Armenian line is
almost as free as the Russian, but it too tends to form rhyme-
1 Revolt in the Desert (London, 1927), p. 94. 2 Growth, iii, p. 751 IF.
3 The " beat " is not a syllable but a word or word-group.
4 Philpotts, p. 32 ff. Perhaps the earliest known example of Germanic
verse is the inscription on the golden horn (c. A.D. 300), which was stolen from
the Copenhagen Museum in 1802 : W. P. Ker, The Dark Ages (London, 1904),
p. 232.
5 Of. Entwistle, p. 383.
6 The sixteen-syllable line, or bugarStica, is probably older and may be
simply a combination of two eight-syllable lines such as are still used in Bul-
garian.
7 Perhaps the earliest example of this, in a quantitative form, is what Philip
of Macedon sang on the field of Chaeronea, Plut. Dem. 20 : A^/zoo-feVrjs
ArjfjLoaOevovs I Fcunrieus1 ra8' ctnev.
8 Hurgronje, ii, p. 75, the fourth syllable rhymes with the sixteenth, and the
eighth with the twelfth. 9 Radlov, iii, p. xxiv.
36
THE HEROIC POEM
groups of very varying length. In all these cases the sets of lines
look at first sight like stanzas, but are not really so, since the real
essence of a stanza is that it is of a fixed shape and length, and
these groups are not. They vary a good deal in length, and the
constant element in them is the single line. In principle there is
no difference between them and the technique of Homer or
Beowulf.
A special problem is presented by some poems of the Elder
Edda, in which, though a single line is used throughout, it tends
to fall into regular four-lined stanzas. This is the case with most
of the strictly heroic poems which tell a story in a straightforward
manner. The line used is based on the old Germanic metre, and
we cannot doubt that the Norse technique is derived from a system
in which the line, and not the stanza, was the unit. We have,
however, to explain why lines tend to fall into stanzas. It is
clear that they do not regularly do so, since the Codex Regius,
which preserves the poems, presents sometimes groups of six
lines and sometimes of two. To attribute this to the editor's or
the copyist's errors is almost impossible. The six-lined groups
cannot usually be reduced to four lines without spoiling their sense,
nor is it always necessary to assume that something is missing
from the two-lined groups. On the other hand the tendency to
fall into stanzas is undoubtedly present. Perhaps the best explana-
tion is that the collection of these poems was made when they
had passed out of current use arid were not well remembered,
and that those who claimed to know them tended unconsciously
to reshape them into something akin to the ballad-stanza which
was common in the poetry of the day.
There are, however, more serious exceptions to the general
rule than this. Some other poems in the Elder Edda are composed
in the Ijothahdltr or " chant-metre ", which is undeniably a stanza
and not a series of metrically uniform lines. Its form is :
Who are the heroes in Hatafjord ?
The ships are covered with shields ;
Bravely ye look, and little ye fear,
The name of the king would I know. l
So far as strictly heroic subjects are concerned, this metre is used
only in the third section of the Lay of Helgi, and in a single
strophe each of Helgi Hundingsbane II and the Lay of Hamther.
In the last two cases it is plainly an intrusion from later versions
of the stories, and even in the Lay of Helgi it looks as if the
1 Helgakvitha Hjorvarthssonar, 12.
37
HEROIC POETRY
collector of the poems, anxious to make the story complete, had
used what is really a ballad and not a heroic poem. These cases
are not important but they show the beginnings of a process in
which the art of heroic poetry is changed into something else. A
more violent change has happened to the Ukrainian dumy. We
may surmise that originally the Ukraine, which is the country of
Kiev and the heroic world of Vladimir, had a heroic poetry
whose technique resembled the free and easy methods of the
Talc of Igor's Raid. The modern art may be derived from this
since it uses lines of very varying length, but it differs in its use of
rhyme, usually in couplets. The system may be seen in Marusja
Boguslavska :
This request alone I make you, pass not by Boguslav's town.
To my father dear and mother make this news known :
That my father dear grieve not,
Alienate not store of treasure, ground or plot,
That no store of wealth he save,
Neither me, Marusja the slave,
Child of Boguslav the priest,
Evermore seek to release,
For become a Turk I am, I'm become a Mussulman,
For the Turk's magnificence,
And for rny concupiscence.1
The general effect here is more like that of a song than we expect
in a heroic poem. Here too we may see a process of decomposi-
tion. The old heroic form has broken down and been replaced
by something which is half-way towards song composed in
rhymed stanzas.
With these exceptions, which come from regions where a
traditional style has begun to decay, heroic poetry uses the single
line as its metrical unit of composition and gains certain advantages
from it. The superiority of the line over the stanza is that it
allows more scope and variety in telling a story. The poet can
vary between long and short sentences, and produce unusual
effects by breaking or ending a sentence in the middle of a line ;
he is free to make full use of conventional formulae and phrases,
to introduce descriptions of places and things without having to
make them conform to the demands of a stanza. But though the
line has these advantages over the stanza, it does not follow that it
owes its use to this cause. Heroic poetry seems always to be
chanted, usually to some simple stringed instrument, like the
Greek lyre, the Serbian gusle, the Russian balalaika, the Tatar
1 Entwistle, p. 377 ; Scherrer, p. 67.
38
THE HEROIC POEM
koboz, or the Albanian lahuta. The music to which poems are
sung is usually not a real or a regular tune but a monotonous
chant in which the bard often keeps whole lines on a single note.
Such indeed is said to be the regular practice in Albania, and the
heroic Jugoslav chants recorded by Milman Parry are monotonous
and lacking in melody. There certainly seems to be no evidence
that a special poem has its own tune. Among famous Russian
bards the elder Ryabinin knew only two tunes, and " the Bottle "
one.1 This is quite a different art from the melodies which
accompany lyrical poetry, give pleasure for their own sake, and
are as likely to obscure as to illustrate the words. Heroic poetry
puts the words first and subordinates the music to them. What
it uses is really no more than recitative. To use a regular tune like
that of a song would have made the task of heroic poets much more
difficult and have interfered with the clear presentation of the
tales which they have to tell.
This consideration may help to elucidate the troublesome
question of the relation of heroic poetry to ballads. At the outset
we may notice that many poems called ballads are actually heroic
poems. This is true of the Russian byliny, the Jugoslav and
Bulgarian " national songs ", the lays of Esthonia, Albania, and
modern Greece. But other ballads, which really deserve the
name, are different. England, France, Germany, Scandinavia,
and Rumania have narrative poems which differ from heroic lays
in that they are composed in regular stanzas and sung to recurring
tunes. Although the spirit of Edward, my Edward or Chevy Chase
or Sir Patrick Spens is undeniably heroic, the form is not that of
heroic poetry, and the difference of form marks a real difference
in function. Such ballads, with their regular tunes and their
occasional refrains, belong to song rather than to recitative, and
may originally have been accompanied by some sort of dance or
mimetic gesture. Their form gives a pleasure different from that
of the chanted lay. Music plays a greater part in it, and the
narrative not only ceases to be the chief source of interest but
tends to be treated in a more impressionistic way which emphasises
less the development of a story than certain vivid moments in it.
Even the Spanish romances, which sometimes look like broken
fragments of epic and undoubtedly have some connection with it,
are really examples of this art. Their tunes are essential to their
performance ; they have many lyrical qualities. The distinction
bet\veen heroic poetry and ballads is not so much of matter and
spirit as of form and function and effect.
1 Rybnikov, i, p. xciii.
39 D
HEROIC POETRY
Heroic poetry is not only objective but claims to tell the truth,
and its claims are in general accepted by its public. In his
Preface to the Heimskringla or Saga of the Norse Kings Snorri
Sturluson, who lived from 1178 to 1241, and knew what he was
talking about, explains that among his materials are " songs and
ballads which our forefathers had for their amusement ", and
adds " now, although we cannot say just what truth there may
be in these, yet we have the certainty that old and wise men hold
them to be true ". The stories may in fact not all be true, but they
were thought to be. In considering these words we must re-
member that one generation's idea of truth differs from another's,
and that unlettered societies lack not only scientific history but any
conception of scientific truth. For them a story is sufficiently
true if it gives the main outlines of events and preserves important
names ; it is not impaired by the poet's imaginative treatment of
details. Hesiod indeed tells that, when the Muses appeared to
him they said :
We can make false things seem true, so great is our skill,
For we know how to utter the truth when that is our will.1
But few poets and few audiences make so conscious a distinction
as this, and on the whole heroic poetry claims to tell its own kind
of truth. Its authority is in the first place tradition. Its stories
are those which have been handed down by generations and are
sanctified by the ages. It is no accident that Russian heroic poems
are called either by liny, " events of the past ", or stariny, " tales
of long ago ". Such stories command respect because they are
old, and men often assume that their ancestors knew more than
they themselves do. The heroic poet speaks with the authority of
tradition and passes on what he himself has heard from his elders.
A story becomes more respectable by being old and popular.
The poet of Ilildehrand begins by saying simply, " I have heard it
said ", just as Yakut and Kalmuck poets often say " as they say "
or " as it is said ". In the same way the Norse poet of the Lament
of Oddntn states his credentials when he begins :
I have heard it told in olden tales
How a maiden came to Morningland.
In heroic poetry it is commonly assumed that age confers dignity
on a story, and that what has been long preserved is likely to
be true.
To the authority of tradition some poets add the authority of
inspiration by some divine power which it would be improper to
1 Theogony, 27-8. Trs. J. Lindsay.
40
THE HEROIC POEM
question. Even Hesiod makes such a claim for himself when he
says that the Muses appeared to him on Helicon and gave him a
voice to tell of the past and the future.1 No doubt this is a
shamanistic survival, but it fits easily into the heroic scheme, and
the audiences accept such a claim. Whatever Homer meant when
he told the Muses to tell of the wrath of Achilles or of the man of
many wiles, it is clear that he claims some kind of supernatural
authority for what he is going to say and assumes that his audience
will accept it. His own Phemius, who is the bard at Odysseus'
home in Ithaca, says that a god has planted songs in him.2 In
the same way a Kara- Kirghiz bard, whom Radlov knew, said : " I
can sing every song ; for God has planted the gift of song in my
heart. He gives me the word on my tongue without my having to
seek it. I have not learned any of my songs ; everything springs
up from my inner being, from myself." 3 Whether by tradition
or inspiration, heroic poetry sets out to tell stories which contain
some element of truth, and the poet's credulity reflects that of the
society in which he lives. There comes, sooner or later, a time
when the old stories are no longer believed, and then the old
poetry loses its hold on an audience which is now instructed by
books and newspapers. When this happens, the poet may still
assert his rights and claim that he possesses a special knowledge.
Wrhen the Kara- Kirghiz bard, Sagymbai Orozbakov, tells in his
Manas of the destruction of the giantess Kanyshai, he evidently
feels that his audience is likely to be sceptical, and makes con-
cessions in advance :
Everything in this tale you'll find,
Entanglement of false and true.
All happened very long ago,
Eye-witnesses are hard to find !
To these wonders no one testifies ;
What was, what not, are here confused.
This is a tale of long past years,
An ineffaceable trace of the past.
The world to-day believes it not. 4
But until such doubts arise, the bard is regarded as an authority on
the past. He provides history as well as poetry. And this, more
than anything else, separates heroic poetry from romance which
candidly tells stories which everyone knows to be untrue.
The study of heroic poetry depends on material of a very
mixed character. In the first place it is still a living art in some
countries and may be studied at first hand. It lives by recitation
1 Theogony, 32. z Od. xxiii, 347. ' Radlov, v, p. xvii. 4 Manas, p. 254.
A.I
HEROIC POETRY
and is seldom written down except by enquiring scholars from
outside. In consequence such texts as we have are almost
haphazard records of what has been an enormous mass of recited
poetry. This material is none the less of primary importance.
The poems show the art as it is really practised by living men, but
they suffer from a serious defect. The oral poet usually composes
as he recites, and for a successful performance he needs an
audience in sympathy with him and eagerly intent on hearing
what he has to say. When a stranger, interested in oral poetry
for scholarly or scientific reasons, arrives and asks him to recite a
poem, the result is not always satisfactory. In the old days when
the scholar took down the words in long hand, he was necessarily
too slow for the poet and hampered the free flow of his composi-
tion. In consequence, as some of the poems recorded by Radlov
from the Asiatic Tatars indicate, the poet, deprived of his usual
setting and audience and for that reason not at his ease, is even
less at his ease when he has to go slowly and pause for his words to
be written down. Even with such devices as recording by dicta-
phone there still remains the difficulty that any stranger may by
his mere presence hamper and discourage a poet, especially if he
employs some outlandish mechanical apparatus. Though many
oral poems have been recorded in the last eighty years, we cannot
assume that they are the best of their kind or even the best that
an available poet can produce. They are representative in the
sense that they are genuine, but their worth is a matter of accident.
Our second source consists of those poems which by some
happy chance have survived in written form from the past. These
have at least this in common, that they were for some reason
written down, often at times when writing was not common and
used chiefly for legal documents or sacred books. The Homeric
poems, for instance, were probably written down because of their
literary excellence, and the handsome manuscript of Beowulf^
suggests that some rich man wished it to be preservecTTn his
library. On the other hand the Oxford manuscript of Roland has
no such distinction and seems to be a kind of " prompter's copy ",
used to refresh the bard's memory when he needed it. Since
poems are preserved for quite different reasons, none of which is
inevitable, it is clear that many other poems of equal or greater
merit have not been preserved, simply because no one thought of
having them written down. Even when someone has decided that
a poem should be recorded, the dangers are not over. The Elder
Edda, with its unique collection of old Norse poetry, was written
down by someone who could not get complete texts of all the
42
THK HEROIC POEM
poems and was sometimes forced to combine various poems into
one, sometimes unable to say where one poem ended and another
began. Even when they have been recorded, poems have to face
all the dangers that threaten books. In classical antiquity,
perhaps at the library of Alexandria, something was preserved of
the heroic epic of Eumelus of Corinth, who lived about 700 B.C.
and told of subjects rather outside Homer's range. But of this
work there remain only a few lines and a few references.1 The
unique manuscript of Beowulf was damaged by fire in 1731, anc
at the same time Maldon, which was discovered in the seventeen! 1
century, was destroyed only five years after Thomas Hearne'j
editio princeps of it. The fragment of The Fight at Fhmsburh,
which survived by an accident in a book-cover at Lambeth, was
afterwards lost. Only happy chances have revealed the remains
of the Old German Hildebrand and the Anglo-Saxon Waldhere ;
for they too were found in book-covers, the one at Cassel and the
other at Copenhagen ; and since 1945 Hildebrand has disappeared.
The epic of Gilgamish has an even more fortuitous history. Its
remains have been unearthed by archaeologists on clay tablets
which range from before 2000 B.C. to 600 B.C. and are composed
variously in Old Babylonian, Hittite, Assyrian, and New Baby-
lonian. We must be content with what we have and recognise
that enormous tracts of heroic poetry have been lost for ever.
Heroic poetry suffers from the special danger that, when it
ceases to be fashionable, it disappears. Fortunately the Greeks
never abandoned their love for Homer, and that is why his poems
are so well preserved. But other countries have been less faithful.
Though we know that Charlemagne was interested in " barbarous
and ancient songs " and ordered collections of them to be made,2
nothing survives from his project with the possible exception of
Hildebrand, which seems at least to have been written clown at this
time. Indeed Hildebrand is the only relic of the great art of
heroic song which once flourished in Germany, though its themes
survive in Norse and Anglo-Saxon poetry and in later German
adaptations. How vigorous and widespread this art was in the
fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries A.D. is clear from external evidence
not far removed from it in time. Jordanes, himself a Goth,
records that his countrymen sang to the lyre songs about their an-
cestors, notably Eterpamara, Hanala, Fridigernus, and Vidigoia.3
These were no doubt great figures in their day, but of them only
Vidigoia has any place — as Wudga — in existing poetry. In the
1 G. Kinkel, Epicorum Graecorum Fragenta (Leipzig, 1877), p. 185 fif.
2 Egginhard, Vita (laroli Magni, 29. l (jetica, 5.
HEROIC POETRY
fifth century Sidonius Apollinaris, bishop of Auvergne, knew of
Ostrogothic songs which appealed to King Theodoric II because
they " encouraged manliness of spirit 'V and suffered from having
to listen to Burgundians singing to the lyre.2 But no Gothic songs
survive, and the nearest approach to one is the Norse Battle of the
Goths and the Huns, which may be based on a Gothic original.
Other Germanic peoples practised the same art with a similar fate.
In the sixth century Gelimer, king of the Vandals, was himself a
minstrel,3 and about 580 Venantius Fortunatus addresses to Lupus,
the Frankish duke of Aquitaine, a poem in which he speaks of
barbarians singing to the harp.4 Paul the Deacon reports that
Alboin, king of the Langobards, who died in 572, was sung by
Saxons, Bavarians, and other peoples.5 [_In the same way we
cannot doubt that there was once a Swedish heroic poetry, since
there are references to Swedish history in BcoivuJf, a runic monu-
ment in Sodermaniand illustrates the tale of Sigurth,6 and the
Rok stone in Ostergcitland has enigmatic verses which may refer
to Theodoric.7 There was once a Swedish branch of this Germanic
poetry, as there were other branches, but no single text has survived
from it.
This lack of old German texts may to some extent be counter-
balanced by material derived from original poems which have long
been lost. The wealth of old Danish poetry can be seen from the
Latin epitomes of Saxo Grammaticus, who wrote about A.D. 1200,
when the art was not sufficiently moribund to prevent him collecting
interesting stories, like that of Ingeld, who is known to Beowulf,
of Hamlet, and many others whose names have survived else-
where. His worth is proved by his adaptation into Latin verse
of the Bjarkamdl, of which a few lines survive in Norse and show
that he was reasonably conscientious. Other stories, which seem
to be derived from heroic lays, survive in historians. Procopius'
account of the death of Hermegisclus, king of the Warni, looks
like a loan from a poem of Frankish origin.8 Paul the Deacon
and the anonymous author of the Origo Gentis Langobardorum
tell stories which have a truly heroic temper and may well be
derived from songs. Alboin's visit to Turisind, whose son he
has slain in battle, recalls Homer's account of Priam's visit to
Hector ; 9 the battle of the Langobards and the Vandals is Homeric
in the role which it gives to the gods in the conduct of human
1 Ep. i, 2. 2 Carm. 12. 3 Procopius, Bell. Vand. ii, 6.
4 Carm. vii, 8, 61 ff. 5 i} 27.
6 M. P. Nilsson, Homer and Mycenae (London, 1933), p. 192.
7 Stephens, Handbook of the Old Runic Monuments (London, 1884), p. 32 ff.
8 Bell. Got.\v, 20. 9 Paulus Diaconus, i, 24.
44
THE HEROIC POEM
affairs ; l the swift retribution for brutal conduct which brings
death to Alboin is in the strict tradition of heroic morality.2
Perhaps, too, even in England legends of the Anglo-Saxon con-
quest may have survived in poems which were known to the first
historians and chroniclers. The story of Hengest, as it is told in
the Historia Britonum,3 with its broken promises, its sacrifice of
the king's daughter to the invading chief, its four great battles, and
its sense of a desperate struggle against an enemy who seems to
have limitless reserves of men, must surely come from a poetical
source. These passages show how rich the subject-matter of the
old Germanic poetry was, and how much has been lost with it.
The same art was practised by other peoples known to the
Greeks and Romans. We hear on good authority that in the
region of the Guadalquivir in southern Spain the people of the
Turditani had songs about their ancient doings,4 which can hardly
have been anything but heroic songs and may possibly have
recorded some of the people and events connected with Tartessus,
the Tarshish of the Bible and the time-honoured goal of Greek
sailors. At the other end of the ancient world, though Attila,
king of the Huns, survives for us in Norse poems, he seems not to
have lacked his own minstrels. When Priscus visited him on an
embassy in 448, two bards recited poems on the king's victories
and caused great emotion among those present.5 Such poems
can only have been in the Hunnish language, and, though nothing
at all is known about them, we may assume that in them Attila
appeared in a more favourable light than in such Norse pieces as
Atlakvitha and Atlamdl.
Another serious loss is the heroic poetry of Gaul before the
Roman conquest. In the first century B.C. the Gauls not only had
an art of panegyric practised by a professional class of minstrels
called /Jd/>8(H,6 from which our word " bard " is derived, but
these same men also sang about the dead and events of the past,
to the accompaniment of the lyre.7 In this case we can almost see
the transition from panegyric to heroic song. The bard sings the
praises of his master and passes by easy stages to those of his
ancestors and so from the present occasion to the dateless past.
The Gaulish bards were also seers and magicians and had an
honoured position in society.8 So perhaps their heroic poetry
was still close to the shamanistic stage. These bards were known
to Posidonius in the first century B.C. and their ways were studied
1 Idem, i, 8. 2 Idem, ii, 28. 3 31-49 and 56. 4 Strabo, 139.
5 Muller, F.H.G. iv, p. 72. 6 Posidonius, ap. Athenaeus, vi, 49.
7 Diodorus, v, 31 ; Lucan, Phars. i, 447-9.
8 Appian, Celt. 12.
HEROIC POETRY
by him. With the Roman conquest they lost their position and
prestige, and though Ammianus Marcellinus knew something
about them in the fourth century,1 he seems to have derived his
information from Timagenes, who was more or less a contemporary
of Posidonius. No doubt when Gaul was Romanised and the
indigenous language was largely replaced by Latin, the old art of
heroic song fell into neglect, and that is why we know nothing of
its contents.
Something equally catastrophic seems to have happened in
Rome itself. In the first century B.C. Cicero laments the loss of
old poems which celebrated great events of the past.2 Such a
poetry certainly existed and seems to have been sung on convivial
occasions either by boys with or without musical accompaniment,
or by the banqueters.3 There is no need to assume, as Niebuhr
did, that this poetry reached epic proportions or had a Homeric
quality or even that it resembled the reconstructions of it which
Macaulay tried to provide in his Lays of Ancient Rome. But at
least it provided heroic lays and told tales in verse about such
men as Romulus,4 Coriolanus,5 and Regulus.6 Such songs were
known to Dionysius of Halicarnassus at a time when Cicero
could not lay hands on them. Their contents, at least, survived
in oral tradition and may have provided material indirectly for
the early books of Livy's history. Such poems would have been
composed in the indigenous Saturnian metre, and their existence
would explain why in the third century B.C. the Greek slave, Titus
Livius Andronicus, translated the Odyssey into that measure ; it
was his way of accommodating Greek heroic poetry to its nearest
Latin equivalent. But this early Roman poetry has vanished, it
was killed by the imitation of Greek models which became popular
with Ennius. Being oral and indigenous it succumbed to the more
elegant, literary influences which came from Greece and sub-
stituted books for recitation. What happened in these countries
may well have happened elsewhere and have left even fewer
traces. If we have nothing left of early Roman poetry, we at
least know a little about its contents, and that is more than we
can claim for the heroic songs of many peoples who must once
have had them.7
1 xv, 9, 8.
2 Brut. 1 6, 62 ; Tusc. Disp. i, 2, 3 ; iv, 2, 3 ; Legg. ii, 21, 62.
3 Cf. J. Witfht Duff, Literary History of Rome (London, 1908), p. 72 ff.
4 Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. i, 79 ; Pint. Numa, 3.
5 Dion. Hal. Ant. Roni. viii, 62 ; of. E. M. Steuart in Classical Quarterly, xv
(1921), pp. 31-7. " Eestus, cd. Lindsay, p. 156.
7 It is also possible that the Etruscans had a heroic poetry like the Roman.
At least it is otherwise difficult to explain the occasional appearance on their
46
THE HEROIC POEM
When the material is so accidentally and so capriciously pre-
served, we cannot hope to give a comprehensive study of heroic
poetry or to find a common pattern for all its manifestations.
There may have been, there may still be, forms of it which show
unsuspected peculiarities, but which have been lost or not recorded.
All we can hope is to find what are the main characteristics of this
poetry as we know it and then to examine some of its variations.
The study is both literary and social. This poetry has many
virtues of its own and gives a special kind of pleasure, but it is
also the reflection of the societies which practise it and illustrates
their character and ways of thinking. It has considerable value
for history because it exists in so many countries and ages, but its
claim is not so much for the facts which are embedded in it as
for the light which it throws on the outlook of men and peoples.
For centuries it was a vigorous and popular art. Its known dates
stretch from about 2000 B.C. to the present day, but its beginnings
are lost in an unreckonable past. It reflects a widespread desire
to celebrate man's powers of action and endurance and display.
In most civilised societies it has long ceased to count, and modern
attempts to revive it seldom ring with the authentic note. But in
its own day and its own place it reflects some of the strongest
aspirations of the human spirit, and still remains of permanent
value for all who care for simplicity and strength in human nature
and in the use of words.
works of art of stories which are clearly concerned not with (I reek hut with
local heroes, like Caile Vipinas and Avle Vipinas on a hronze mirror in London
and on a wall-painting of the Tomba Francois at Vulci ; cf. J. D. Beazley
in J.II.S. Ixix (1949), pp. 16-17.
II
THE POETRY OF ACTION
THE first concern of heroic poetry is to tell of action, and this
affects its character both negatively and positively. Negatively it
means that bards avoid much that is common to other kinds of
poetry, including narrative — not merely moralising comments
and description of things and place for description's sake, but
anything that smacks of ulterior or symbolical intentions. Positively
it means that heroic poetry makes its first and strongest appeal
through its story. Whatever imagination or insight or passion the
bards may give to it is subsidiary to the events of which they tell.
If it has a central principle it is that the great man must pass
through an ordeal to prove his worth and this is almost necessarily
some kind of violent action, which not only demands courage,
endurance, and enterprise, but, since it involves the risk of life,
makes him show to what lengths he is prepared to go in pursuit of
honour. For this reason heroic poetry may be concerned with any
action in which a man stakes his life on his ideal of what he ought
to be. The most obvious field for such action is battle, and with
battle much heroic poetry deals. Of course in treating it the poets
are interested in much more than ideals of manhood. They like
the thrills of battle and know that their audiences also will like
them and enjoy their technical details. Sometimes the fighting
is on a large scale. The Iliad tells of the siege of Troy by the
Achaeans ; Roland of a great battle between Charlemagne's army
and the Saracens ; the Cid of wars in Spain against the Moors ;
Mai don of a deadly struggle between English and Vikings in
Essex ; Marias of a great Kara-Kirghiz expedition against China ;
the poems on Dzanghar of battles between the Kalmucks and
their mysterious enemies, the Mangus ; Uzbek dastans of wars
against the Kalmucks ; Achin hikayats of wars against the Dutch
East India Company ; many Jugoslav " national songs " of the
defeat by the Turks at Kosovo or the revolt against them at the
beginning of the nineteenth century ; mediaeval and modern
Greek rpayovSia of fights on the frontiers of the Byzantine Empire
or of efforts to liberate the homeland ; Albanian poems of Skan-
derbeg's resistance to the Turks, and Armenian poems of wars
against the Sultan of Egypt or the Shah of Persia. But of course
struggles no less bloody can be fought on almost a domestic scale,
THE POETRY OF ACTION
like Odysseus' vengeance on the Suitors, or the terrible doom of
the sons of Gjuki in Atli's castle, or the deliverance of his home
from usurpers by the Uzbek Alpamys. What counts is the thrill of
battle, and sometimes this is keener on a small stage than a large.
When human foes are lacking, heroic man fights against powers
of nature or monsters. Achilles fights with the river Scamander,
Odysseus battles with the sea when his raft is wrecked, and Beowulf
takes pride in telling how he swam with Breca for five days and five
nights in a wintry sea :
Weltering waves, and weather coldest,
Darkening nights, and northern wind,
Rushed on us war-grim ; rough were the waters.1
The struggle with nature passes almost imperceptibly into a
struggle with monsters. Just as in his swimming Beowulf defeats
fierce creatures of the sea and Odysseus fears that he may be
devoured by some fearful fish,2 so other heroes are often brought
into conflict with strange creatures of primaeval imagination. The
reality of monsters is taken for granted, and any fight with them
demands truly heroic qualities. The dragons slain by Sigurth or
Beowulf or Alpamys, the odious Grendel and his Dam who
devour the warriors in Hrothgar's hall, the devils who mock and
harry Armenian heroes, the one-eyed giants against whom the
Narts wage endless war, the fiends who haunt the forests of the
Yakuts, the prodigious bull which can kill three hundred men
with its breath and is destroyed by Gilgamish and Enkidu, the
hideous Tugarin whose head is cut off by Ilya of Murom, are
suitable opponents for the heroes whose enterprise and audacity
they challenge. In some respects monsters are more formidable
than human adversaries because their powers are largely unknown.
Any means are justifiable in dealing with them, and it is as heroic
to blind Polyphemus as to tear off G rondel's arm.
Battle with men and monsters is not the only field in which a
hero can display his worth. There is another large class of
actions, which, because it involves risk and calls for courage, is
equally suited to him. Much of the appeal of the Odyssey comes
from the risks which Odysseus takes when he insists on hearing
the song of the Sirens or finds his companions drugged by the
Lotos-Eaters. In the Arabian poem, The Stealing of the Mare,3
composed by Abu Obeyd in the tenth century, the hero, Abu
Zeyd, sets out to steal a priceless mare and faces great dangers in
1 Beowulf, 546-8. z Od. v, 421.
3 The poem is admirably translated by W. S. Blunt in Collected Poems
(London, 1914), ii, pp. 129-217. Perhaps it is not strictly heroic, but it has
enough heroic elements to deserve consideration.
49
HEROIC POETRY
doing so. Priam's visit to Achilles to ask for the body of Hector
is truly heroic in that he may well be risking his life in approaching
his deadly enemy. The Jugoslav poems about Marko Kraljevic
often turn on the reckless courage with which Marko faces any
problem that arises and his complete contempt for anyone who
opposes his will. Russian poems are not often concerned with
battles but prefer to tell how the heroes behave in a way which
ought to ruin them but usually does not, as when Ilya of Murom
quarrels with Prince Vladimir and gets the better of it, or the wife
of Staver dresses as a man to release her husband and is almost
discovered, or Vasili Buslaev breaks the heads of his fellow-
townsmen but is saved in time by his mother. Part of our admira-
tion for the hero is that he courts danger for its own sake and in
so doing wishes to show of what stuff he is made.
In the absence of enemies or dangerous quests heroes are not
content to be idle, and heroic poetry often tells of their attempts
to satisfy their lust for honour by athletic pursuits and games
which they treat as seriously as battle. Book XXIII of the Iliad
is a classic case of such games. At the funeral of Patroclus
Achilles invites the Achaean heroes to compete, and they do so
with full fervour, ability, and even cunning. There were probably
similar accounts of games in other Greek poems now lost, like the
funeral games of Pelias which were connected with the Argonauts.
Nor are they confined to the Greeks. In the Kara-Kirghiz Bok-
Miirun a funeral feast is followed by horse-races and sports.1 All
the most famous heroes attend, and catalogues are given of their
names, their peoples, and their horses. In Manas the heroes play
a game called or do which provokes strong passions :
They collected the bones,
They began to play very skilfully,
They rolled bone upon bone,
Arousing hatred in their opponents.
With success, however, they were too excited,
They exulted too early,
A eunning visitor closed them round,
The Devil stupefied them,
They moved the " Khan " from the spot
(In ordo too there is a " Khan " !)
That was the last throw.
None of them noticed
That the " Khan " stuek on the edge,
It was not sent over the edge.2
1 Radlov, v, p. 152 ff.
z Manas, p. 132. The game seems to have some resemblance to bowls or
curling, though it is played with bones, alchiki.
5°
THE POETRY OF ACTION
This leads to a violent quarrel which takes time and tact to settle.
Since games involve considerations of honour and glory, they
excite violent emotions. That, no doubt, is why heroes are not
always scrupulous about their gamesmanship but do anything to
win. In the Iliad when Ajax wrestles with Odysseus, he whispers
to his opponent to make it a sham contest and then proceeds to
throw him,1 and in Bok-Murun Er Toshtuk unchivalrously defeats
the lady, Ak Baikal, by using supernatural means. Fair play
is not indispensable, since what matters is that the hero should
show his prowfcss and be rewarded by success as the manifest
token of his superiority.
The success which the cult of honour demands can be gained
in many fields of action, but wherever it is found, the conditions
tend to show certain fixed characteristics. First, since honour is
most easily won by showing superiority to other men, there is
often an element of competition. That is why so many poems
turn upon boasts and wagers which have to be translated into
action. Beowulf and Breca spend five days and nights in the sea
because they have boasted that they will.2 Russian heroes make
wagers which concern their honour, as when Dyuk Stepanovich
and Churilo Plenkovich boast of their wealth and then compete
in houses, food, drink, horses, and clothes. Whoever wins in
such a competition is accepted as the better man, and his defeated
opponent is treated with contempt. So when Dyuk defeats
Churilo, he rubs in the moral :
" You are not one who should boast,
Nor are you one who should lay a great wager ;
Your part should be simply to parade Kiev,
To parade Kiev at the heels of the women." 3
In such contests disturbing elements of pride and vanity may be
involved. Heroes do not like to think that others surpass them in
any respect, and many of them resemble Unferth in Beowulf, who
pours scorn on Beowulf's swimming-match with Breca :
For he allowed not ever that any other man
More of glory on this middle-garth
Should hear, under heaven, than he himself.*
It follows that if a hero boasts, he must make his boast good, and
if he fails, he falls below the heroic standard of greatness. The
Jugoslav poets like to make Turks fail in this way and be routed
1 //. xxiii, 723 ff. 2 Beowulf, 535 ff.
3 Rybnikov, i, p. 98 ff. ; Chadwick, R.H.P. p. 103 ff.
4 Beowulf, 503-5.
HEROIC POETRY
by Christians. So when Musa the Albanian vows to hang all
Christians, Marko turns the tables on him and cuts off his head,1
thus showing their comparative worth. Much heroic poetry acts
on these principles, and assumes that competition is indispensable
because it shows what a man really is.
Competition need not always be so stern or so intolerant as
this. So long as the hero surpasses other men, it is not absolutely
necessary that he should humiliate them. This spirit is perhaps
not quite so common as we might wish, but it sometimes takes
engaging forms. In the Ainu Kutune Shirka the hero carries out
his task without noticing his rivals and certainly without making
them look ridiculous. A rumour has gone round that whoever
can catch a golden otter in the sea will win a beautiful maiden
and a rich dowry. Heroes gather to the shore and try in turn to
catch the otter. First comes the young Man of the East :
The golden otter
Glinted like a sword ;
Then the suck of the tide
Caught it and pulled it down.
Once to seaward
With outstretched hand
The young man pursued it ;
Once to landward
With outstretched hand
The man made after it ;
Then fell panting upon the rocks.2
After this failure two other warriors, the Man of the Far Island
and the Man of the Little Island, make similar efforts and fail in
the same way. Then the hero makes an effort and succeeds :
The golden sea-otter
Under the foam of the waves
Was sucked in by the tide,
And I in my turn
Plunged into the surf,
Out to the breakers of the open sea.
It slipped from my hand,
But nothing daunted
I dived again like a sea-bird
And with one foot trod upon it.
It looked and saw what I was,
And so far from fearing me
It came up and floated between my arms
Like a water-bird floating.3
1 Karadzic, ii, p. 369 fF.
2 Trs. Arthur Walcy, Bottcghe Oscure, vii (1951), p. 221. 3 Idem, pp. 222-3.
52
THE POETRY OF ACTION
Here there is an obvious element of competition, but no hostility
between the competitors or contempt for those who fail. The
hero proves his worth in a quiet and modest way, which is another
sign of his superiority.
A second characteristic of heroic narrative is that on the whole
it concentrates on the happy few and neglects the others. In the
crowded battle-scenes of the Iliad very little is said about the
rank and file. They are present, and their mass-action in advance
or retreat is sketched in a few words or illuminated by an apt
simile, but they take no part of importance, and their personal
destinies are not thought interesting. When characters of humble
lineage, like Dolon or Thersites, are necessary to the story, they
are made unpleasant or ridiculous. The same disregard for the
crowd appears in Roland, where despite lines like
Common the fight is now and marvellous '
or
Pagans are slain by hundred, by thousands,2
the poet's main attention is given to individual heroes, few in
number and for that reason greater in renown. The Cid shows a
similar spirit. The poet is much concerned with the Cid himself
and his immediate companions, but hardly with anyone else. In
Manas the main parts are played by Manas himself and Alaman
Bet, and certain important moments are given to other warriors,
but the mass of the army receives little attention. Even in the
poems on the Serb revolt against the Turks, which was in fact a
truly national rising, the poets are interested only in a few leaders.
It is true that at times they indicate the wide scale of events in
striking lines, like —
Often did the armies clash in combat,
In the spreading plainland match their forces,
In the verdant groves by the Morava,
Drive each other into the Morava ;
Red the river Morava was tinted
With the blood of heroes and of horses.3
But the main interest is reserved for the great figures, the captains
and the chieftains. The same is true of recent Russian and Uzbek
poems on the Revolution of 1917 and its subsequent events. In
these the heroes may be of humble origin, but they are selected
for special treatment, and we do not hear much about the rank
and file or the proletariat whose cause they champion. The same
1 Roland, 1320. 2 Ibid. 1417.
3 Karadzic, iv, p. 193. Trs. W. A. Morison.
53
HEROIC POETRY
spirit is equally displayed in peace. When the Kara-Kirghiz
bard tells of the games held by Bok-Murun, he makes the host say :
" The lower classes must stand back,
Only the princes may take their places,
Take their places to tilt with lances." l
Glory is the prerogative of the great, and the heroic world is so
constituted that they are offered many chances of winning it.
To this general rule there are some apparent exceptions.
There are times in heroic poetry when humble men and women
play parts of importance and are treated with sympathy and
respect. If Homer's swineherd, Eumaeus, turns out to be a king's
son, yet the Odyssey has other characters in lowly positions who
show a noble spirit, notably Odysseus' old nurse, Euryclea, who is
not only devoted to her master but maintains a strict control over
the other women of the household, and the goatherd, Melanthius,
who plays a minor but not discreditable part in the destruction of
the Suitors. Similar characters can be found in the U/^bek
Alpamys. The shepherd, Kultai, is called " dear friend " by the
hero, his master. When Alpamys is away, Kultai does his best to
look after his home, and can hardly believe his eyes when his
master returns :
" My beloved, my soul, my child, is it you ? "
To him alone Alpamys confides his identity and uses his help in
ejecting strangers from his house. Another shepherd, Kaikubad,
helps Alpamys when he is put in prison by a Kalmuck prince, and
in return for this Alpamys gives him the prince's daughter in
marriage.2 Yet though these humble characters may have roles
of some importance, they are introduced mainly because they
help the great and indeed display towards them that self-denying
devotion which a hero expects from his servants. They illustrate
not a primitive democracy but a truly monarchic or aristocratic
world in which service has its own dignity and wins its own
honour, but remains essentially subordinate to the heroic circle
of the chief characters.
With such assumptions about honour, personal worth, and
aristocratic privilege heroic poets proceed to construct their
stories, and to make action as vivid and interesting as they can.
Though their art is in most respects simple enough, it displays
points of interest because it illustrates what a poet must do to
create a poetry of action. For instance, he may sometimes produce
1 Radlov, v, p. 171 ; cf. p. 179. 2 Zhirmunskii-Zarifov, p. 104.
54
THE POETRY OF ACTION
an effect by simply mentioning that something happens and saying
no more about it. Some actions are sufficiently significant for the
mere thought of them so to excite us that we do not ask for any-
thing else. The momentary impression of a man riding across
country or pursuing an enemy or falling in battle may need no
more than a bare statement of facts. Yet even this apparently
effortless art is less simple than it looks. It implies some selection
by the poet from his material, and though this may be largely
unconscious, it must be directed by an eye for the essential elements
in a situation. Indeed the mere omission of anything which
might take our attention from the fundamental significance of an
action is itself a highly discriminating task. For instance, in Roland
the account of fighting takes a new and fiercer turn when Oliver,
at the request of Roland, ceases to fight with his spear and draws
his sword :
Then Oliver has drawn his mighty sword
As his comrade had bidden and implored,
In knightly wise the blade to him was shewed.1
The very simplicity achieves an effect of accomplished art. To
have said more might have spoiled the grandeur of the occasion,
since what counts is the direct record of events, and for this no
comment is needed. The drawing of the sword is momentous
because of the results which come from it, and all we need is to
hear that it has happened. Much heroic poetry practises this art.
Since its first duty is to tell a story, the events of the story must
be clear and decisive. Indeed some of the more primitive heroic
lays, like those of the Ossetes and the Armenians, have developed
a kind of narrative which works mainly in this way and recounts
events rapidly on the assumption that what happens is nearly all
that matters. Of course for its successful prosecution this art
must pick its emphatic events with skill and know what will
capture the imagination, but experience teaches how to do this,
and such stories are often successful in achieving the desired result.
Since heroic poetry is nearly always recited to a listening
audience, the bard has not only to choose subjects which are in
themselves attractive but, when he seeks to add something more
interesting, he must concentrate on a single mood or effect and
avoid complication of any kind. In this respect he differs from
the authors of " literary " epic, who, since they write for readers,
are able to enrich their work with many echoes and associations
and undertones. The oral bard must go straight to the point and
keep to it. Otherwise he may confuse his audience and even
1 Roland, 1367-9.
55
HEROIC POETRY
spoil the story. So we find that he nearly always concentrates on
one aspect of a situation and makes the most of it. Of this Homer
provides many examples. Take, for instance, the moment when
Achilles has acceded to Priam's request for the body of Hector,
and food is spread before them. The crisis is over ; the old man
has got what he wishes from the slayer of his son. Here indeed
is an occasion full of possibilities, but Homer deals with it simply
and directly, aiming at one effect only :
Then leapt forth their hands to the good cheer outspread afore them.
But when anon they had ta'en their fill of drinking and eating,
Then Priam in wonder sat mute as he gaz'd on Achilles,
In what prime, yea a man whom no god's beauty could excel ;
And Achilles on comely Priam look'd, marvelling also,
Considering his gracious address and noble bearing :
Till their hearts were appeas'd gazing thus on each other intent.1
Homer conveys a single impression, the silence of the meal while
the old man and the young man look at each other. It is a triumph
of selection. When almost any possibility lay open to him, he
decided to do this and nothing more. Heroic poetry proceeds
in this way because it must, but takes advantage of it to create
situations which look so simple that we respond immediately to
them and are caught in a single, overmastering mood.
Fighting is the favourite topic of heroic poetry. Hardly anyone
can fail to be interested in a good account of a fight, but there is
more than one way of making it attractive. Since battle tests and
reveals a hero's worth, interest centres on his performance and his
use of his natural gifts. Mere physical strength is hardly ever
enough, and the hero who does not back it with skill is of little
account. He should combine a powerful arm with a good eye.
It is this feeling for strong blows well delivered that enlivens the
many single combats of the Iliad and Roland. To us perhaps
they may seem monotonous, but they would be absorbing to
audiences who know about hand-to-hand fighting and the warfare
of cut and thrust. That is why the poets tell where and how a
blow is given, what its effect is, what is remarkable about it.
Moreover, since they are concerned with a superior class of
fighting men, they like to describe unusual feats of strength and
skill, blows of which no ordinary man would be capable but which
are to be expected from heroes. The realities of war are thus
subjected to a selective process in which the thrills are heightened
and the taste for martial details amply satisfied. The poet of
Roland understands this need. Roland and Oliver deal blows
1 //. xxiv, 627-33. Trs. Robert Bridges.
56
THE POETRY OF ACTION
which other men could not. They slice men in two from head to
seat,1 or drive spears through a man's shield, hauberk, and body,
or cut off heads with a single stroke. Homer's warriors do not
acquit themselves quite so splendidly or so simply. Since their
main means of offence is the thrown spear, what counts is accuracy
of aim and strength of cast. So Homer tells how they throw their
spears and what they hit with them, whether the neck or the
breast or the belly or the buttocks. The thrill comes from wonder-
ing what the cast of a spear will do and from seeing it succeed or
fail. For the audience it has all the excitement of a great game,
in which the sides are well matched and the issue depends on
strength and skill.
The poetry of combat gains in intensity when two great
warriors are matched against one other. Then we enjoy the
spectacle in its isolation and are not confused as we might be by
a general mellay. Part of this enjoyment is almost physical. We
identify ourselves with the combatants and feel the tingling of
muscles and brawn set purposefully to work. A characteristic
example of this is the Kalmuck account of a fight between Khongor
and Arsalangin :
Each strained at the other from the saddle
Till the eight hoofs of their horses were mingled.
But neither was victorious.
They unsheathed their glittering swords from their covers,
Seven and eight times they dealt each other blows
Over their bladders,
But neither was victorious.
They made haste, they struck each other on their belts,
They dealt each other blows behind and before,
They tried tricks of every kind like lions,
Their strong knees were loosened,
But neither was victorious.
They fought like wolves,
They butted like oxen,
And then Khongor trod beneath himself
The lion-like warrior, Arsalangin-batyr.2
This is a fight as men feel it in their bodies, and the poet uses
the audience's experience to make his sensations real. We feel
the strain and the violence of the struggle, the way in which the
warriors put their bodies to work until Khongor gets his man
down. This kind of art is common in heroic poetry, since it
reflects one of the most obvious elements of battle, the sensation
1 Godfrey of Bouillon was credited with cleaving a Turk in two horizontally
with one blow at Antioch ; cf. Jenkins, p. 104.
z Dzhangariada , p. 219.
57
HEROIC POETRY
of physical exertion and effort. It is a simpler form of what
Homer does when he tells how Ajax, assailed by the advancing
Trojans, finds his shoulder wearied by the weight of his great
shield and sweats and is short of breath.1 Even heroes have
moments when their bodies are unable to endure the strain put
upon them, and then the poet recounts the symptoms of their
exhaustion, and by this means presents the dramatic implications
of the situation.
When a fight is conducted not by two antagonists but by a
number of heroes, who are all in their way equally important, the
drama of battle is more varied and tends to be more confused.
Our attention is turned to a general scene of violence and effort,
of rough-and-tumble, of movements so rapid that the poet cannot
record them all correctly and relies on a general impression of
noise and exertion. For Homer, with his selective taste and his
interest in individual achievement, such scenes are of no interest,
but other poets enjoy them without abating their aristocratic
exclusiveness. When Orozbakov tells how the Kara-Kirghiz en-
gage the Chinese in battle, he confines his story to Manas' forty
great warriors, but for these he creates a scene of general
destruction :
The forty warriors rushed to the fight,
Began the fight against the heathen.
They came in a flood then,
They were covered in blood.
They scattered cries here,
They brandished their pikes here.
The face of the earth was covered with blood.
The face of the sky was covered with dust.
Whoever witnessed the struggle,
Was robbed of his reason then.
The earth rose up on its haunches.
Everything in the world then
Was inside-out and upside-down.
Everything that lives on the earth
Was unrecognisable then.
Regretting not that they had begun to fight,
Thousands perished here ;
Many the khans that fell here,
Red blood flowed in a river,
Battle-horses died here,
Warriors died here,
Horsemen were thrown down here ;
If horses were lost here,
Foot-soldiers were struck down here.2
1 //. xvi, 1 02 if. 2 Manas, p. 335.
58
THE POETRY OF ACTION
This is a courageous attempt to describe a general encounter, and
in its own way it succeeds. But on the whole such scenes are
rare in heroic poetry because in their very nature they are bound
to exclude any record of individual achievement. Nor is Oroz-
bakov content to make this his final crisis. From it he moves to
a series of personal hand-to-hand fights in which various warriors
show their worth. Such a scene is no more than a preliminary
to his essential task of showing how the great heroes behave in
battle.
A fight may also demand considerable qualities of character,
notably the ability to make rapid decisions in a crisis. Then the
poetry celebrates the speed of the decision and the passionate
force which prompts it and puts it into action. We cannot but
admire a hero who turns a threatening situation to victory by
taking the boldest possible course in dealing with it. So in The
Stealing of the Mare, when Abu Zeyd finds himself pursued by a
host of enemies, he makes his heroic decision and at once turns
and attacks them :
And I turned my mare and sprang, like a lion in the seizing,
And I pressed her flank with my heel and sent her flying forward,
And I charged home on their ranks, nor thought of wound nor danger,
And I smote them with my sword till the air shone with smiting,
And I met them once or twice with stark blows homeward driven.1
Because Abu Zeyd has made up his mind to act in this fashion, he
defeats his attackers, and we feel that he deserves his triumph,
because he has faced the risk so decisively. In Finnsburh Hnaef,
alone with a few companions in a great hall, makes a similar
decision. Someone sees a reflection of light and asks if the horns
of the hall are aflame, but Hnaef knows that the light shines from
the weapons of approaching enemies, immediately grasps the
situation, and makes his choice to fight :
" This nor dawneth from the east, nor here any dragon fiieth,
Nor here on this hall are the horns burning ;
But the Boar forth bear they, birds are singing,
Clattereth the grey-sark, clasheth the war- wood,
Shield to shield answereth. Now shineth this moon
Waxing under the welkin ; now arise woeful deeds
Which battle against this people will bring to pass.
But awaken ye now, warriors mine,
Take hold of your shields, as heroes shape you,
Fight in the fore-front, be firm in courage." 2
Like Abu Zeyd, Hnaef makes his courageous decision and is
rewarded by success, but we do not know this when he makes it,
1 Blunt, ii, pp. 183-4. 2 Finnsburh, 3-12.
59
HEROIC POETRY
and what matters is his temper, which sees immediately what is
afoot and takes bold steps to counter it. We are not only thrilled
by the apparently desperate situation but roused to admiration
for the spirit in which it is faced.
A fighting man is of little account unless he knows his craft
and is able not merely to handle his weapons with a strong arm
and a sure eye but to act at the right moment in the right way.
If he can do this, he wins admiration, as when in Roland the
heroes appreciate their own and each other's strokes with such
comments as, " A baron's stroke in truth " or " Great prowess
in that thrust " or " Good baronage indeed " or " He strikes well,
our warrant 'V To justify such comments the poet tells of
prodigious feats of arms against the Saracens. Though the
Homeric warriors are less lavish than those of Roland in praise
for each other's blows, the Iliad describes almost every conceivable
kind of blow and is precise in its account of them, as when Hector
with a blow of his sword slices Ajax's spear in two, or Achilles
strikes Hippodamas in the small of the back as he runs away, or
Teucer hits Gorgythion with an arrow in his breast with the
result that he droops " like a poppy ".2 These are relatively
minor episodes, which show how seriously the poet treats any
element in the art of war, but when it comes to great encounters
between eminent heroes, there is a natural tendency to make the
story even more precise and realistic. Achilles' fight with Hector,
despite its foregone conclusion, is treated with great care and
detail. So too in other poems like the Kalmuck and Kara-
Kirghiz, the poets delight to tell exactly what happens and to
show how well matched the heroes are. In Manas the fight
between the Kara- Kirghiz and the formidable Mahdi-Khan
presents an exciting series of events, since he rides on a galloping
buffalo and is a deadly archer.3 The various heroes take him on
in turn without success, and he is finally defeated only by a
combined attack in which Manas himself and the great Alaman
Bet take part. Behind such passages lie a technical knowledge of
fighting and a delight in the experienced and dexterous use of
arms. They are intended for audiences who know of the subject
and like to hear of it.
Heroic poetry develops a special thrill when it makes heroes
attempt tasks which are beyond the reach of nearly all other men.
On such occasions we admire both the physical endowment which
overcomes fearful obstacles and the bold, unflinching spirit which
1 Roland, 1280, 1288, 1349, 1609. 2 //. xvi, 114; xx, 402 ; viii, 305.
3 Manas, p. 332 ff.
60
THE POETRY OF ACTION
carries heroes through them. An Ossete poem gives an extreme
example of such a situation. The Narts are unable to take a
fortress until Batradz comes to their rescue and resorts to a
remarkable stratagem :
Batradz gives orders to the warrior Narts :
" Bind me with a hawser to an arrow,
Shoot me with the arrow to the strong fortress ! "
The Narts were amazed : of what is he thinking ?
But to do what he told them, they all bound him ;
As he commanded, so did they do it.
" Now lay the arrow on the bow,
Stretch the string to its full extent,
And send the arrow flying to the Khyzovsk fortress."
As he commanded, so did they do it.
He stretched out his legs and his arms at length —
Batradz flew to the Khyzovsk fortress,
He pierced the wall and cut a hole.1
This is a strange story and not very easy to visualise, but we can
appreciate the spirit in which Batradz sets out to solve a difficult
problem, and the self-confidence which carries him through it.
In an exaggerated way this poem shows the kind of thing which
heroes sometimes do in asserting their heroic worth. They would
not attempt such tasks if their physical prowess were not very
unusual, and Batradz certainly deserves the epithet of " steel-
breasted " which the poets give him. Yet what Batradz does,
and the effect which it makes on us, are in principle similar to
much that other heroes do in other places. The combination of
courage, confidence, and physical powers is essential to the hero's
equipment and, when he puts it into action, we admire the way
in which it works. The purely physical thrill is hardly ever
lacking, but it is strengthened by our appreciation of moral and
even of intellectual qualities.
The effects which heroic poets get from battle are similar to
what they get from almost any kind of action and are essential
to their art. But these effects have a special significance through
their connection with the heroic cult of honour. Honour is
central to a hero's being, and, if it is questioned or assailed or
insulted, he has to assert himself, since he would be untrue to his
standards if he failed to do anything to prove his worth. This
assumption lies behind most heroic poetry and gives to it its
special atmosphere and outlook. The assertion of honour need
not always be fierce and bloodthirsty ; it may be equally effective
if it is quiet. For instance, when Ilya of Murom feels insulted
1 Dynnik, p. 65.
61
HEROIC POETRY
because Prince Vladimir does not invite him to a feast, he shows
his wrath by damaging the churches of Kiev, and so successful
is he that Vladimir has no choice but to invite him after all. His
arrival shows that he has triumphed :
There Vladimir, prince of royal Kiev,
With the Princess Apraxya,
Went up to the old Cossack, Ilya of Murom ;
They took him by his white hands,
They addressed him in the following words :
" Ah, you old Cossack, Ilya of Murom !
Your seat was indeed the humblest of all,
But now your seat is the highest of all at the table !
Seat yourself at the table of oak." l
Honour is satisfied, and all is well, and we cannot but be pleased
that Ilyajs outrageous behaviour has ended so happily. So some-
what more grimly in Manas, when the khans plot against Manas,
he humiliates them by making them drunk and then imposes his
will upon~ them. Nor does he try to conceal his contemptuous
satisfaction :
He looked as the midnight looks,
He was vexed like an ugly day ;
He licked his lips like a scabbard,
His cheeks were strained
And armoured with moustaches,
Which were like a sabre from Bokhara.
Each of those moustaches
Could almost vie
With a pike held by a guardsman ;
Darkness covered his temples.
The lion shook his locks of hair ;
So abundantly they grew
That they would vie with wool.
Five hairy stockings
Could be made out of them.2
This is Manas in his moment of triumph, and the bold, primitive
imagery catches something of his heroic bearing. This is not a
genial triumph like Ilya's, but it is no less complete and satisfying.
The satisfaction of honour may raise deeper questions than
this, and take more dramatic forms. In the last resort a hero's
honour means more to him than anything else, and, if it comes to
a choice between it and no matter what else, he is almost bound
to follow honour. The issue is raised with great power in Gil-
garnish. Gilgamish and his comrade, Enkidu, have enraged the
1 Gilferding, ii, p. 40 ; Chadwick, R.H.P. p. 64.
2 Manas, p. 66 ff.
62
THE POETRY OF ACTION
gods by the enormity of their prowess, and the gods decide on
their death. They send a fearful bull to kill them, but the heroes
destroy it. As they offer its body in sacrifice, the goddess Ishtar,
whose amorous advances Gilgamish has rejected with contumely,
takes the stage :
Ishtar mounted the ramparts of high- walled Erech,
She went up to the roof-top,
And gave voice to her wailing :
" Woe unto Gilgamish, woe unto him
Who by killing the heavenly bull has made me lament/*
When Enkidu heard the shrieks of Ishtar,
He wrenched its member from the bull
And tossed it before her :
" If I could only have reached thee,
I would have served thee in the same way,
I would have dangled its guts on thy flanks ".
Ishtar assembled the temple-girls, the harlots ;
Over the bull's member she made lamentation.1
Honour can scarcely ask for more than this. Gilgamish despises
Ishtar who has first made love to him and then conspired to kill
him. He treats her with unutterable contempt in a most offensive
way, which is all the worse since it has a coarse appropriateness
for a goddess of her kind. We cannot but share the hero's almost
frenzied delight as he gives her what she deserves.
Often enough, honour must be satisfied by bloodshed, since the
hero feels that he has been too deeply insulted for forgiveness or
appeasement to be possible, and can hardly continue to exist
unless he destroys those who have wounded him in the centre of
his being. This is what Odysseus feels about the Suitors who have
harried his wife and impoverished his home. So when at last he
begins to wreak his vengeance on them, his spirit is triumphant :
Then did he strip off his beggarly rags, the resourceful Odysseus,
And on the broad raised platform he jumped with his bow and his
quiver
Loaded with arrows fast-flying, and these he emptied before him
Down on the ground at his feet, and thus did he speak to the Suitors :
" Now this impossible task has been done, this labour accomplished.
Now I shall aim at a different mark yet aimed at by no man,
And I shall see if Apollo will grant my prayer to strike it." 2
Then the slaughter begins with the death of Antinous. If any of
the Suitors have had any doubts that this is Odysseus, they now
know that it is, and he rubs it in when he mocks them for thinking
that he would never return and that they would be able to devour
1 Gilgamish, vi, i, 157-69. 2 Od. xxii, 1-7.
63
HEROIC POETRY
his substance, sleep with his serving- women, and pay court to his
wife.1 He proclaims that he will now exact vengeance for all this.
Homer makes little attempt to win sympathy or even pity for the
Suitors ; they have behaved without shame and deserve death.
The mood of Odysseus' triumph is that of a man whose honour
has been gravely wounded and who at last has a chance to get
satisfaction for it. Homer concentrates on this, and the fall of
each Suitor is a stage in the process. The slaughter is no doubt
brutal, and some might think that the Suitors get more than they
deserve, but that is not Homer's view. He is concerned with his
hero's wounded honour which only bloodshed can satisfy.
The desire to appease honour may take more passionate forms
than this. Odysseus, whose vengeance has been long delayed and
carefully plotted, acts almost on a point of principle, but other
heroes are so carried away that they act in flaming anger. When
Patroclus is killed by Hector, Achilles conceives a bloodthirsty
desire for vengeance. He cannot endure the thought that he,
the greatest of all warriors, should be robbed of his friend by
Hector. This passion sweeps him along until he meets Hector
and kills him. Until he has done this, he spares no one, but
attacks even the river-god Scamander and shows no mercy to
Priam's young son, Lycaon, whom in the past he captured and
sold into slavery. Now the sight of him enrages Achilles, who
thinks that the dead are rising against him. Lycaon is unarmed
and begs for his life, but Achilles is adamant :
" Idiot, offer me not any ransom, nor speak to me of it !
Once on a time or ever his doom-day came to Patroclus,
In those days it was dearer than now to my heart to show mercy
Unto the Trojans, and many I captured or sold into ransom.
But now none shall escape from death, whom god may deliver
Into my hands even here by the walls of Ilion's city,
And of all Trojans the least shall I spare the children of Priam." 2
Achilles then kills Lycaon and throws his body into the Scamander.
Homer shows a true imaginative insight in allowing nothing to
stand between heroic honour and its satisfaction in blood. Since
Achilles is determined to kill Trojans in return for the death of
Patroclus, it is futile for boys like Lycaon to beg mercy from him.
The use which heroic poetry makes of honour means that
sooner or later it demands a treatment of human relations.
Though the hero may wish to be self-sufficient and in some cases
succeed, he has none the less to play his part among other men
and women. He is, despite all his pre-eminence, a human being
1 Od. xxii, 35 ff. 2 //. xxi, 99-105.
64
THE POETRY OF ACTION
and may even possess human affections in an advanced degree.
He cannot live entirely for himself, and needs a companion to
whom he can unburden his heart and whom he can make the
partner of his ambitions. That is why heroic poetry has its great
pairs of gifted friends, like Achilles and Patroclus, Roland and
Oliver, Gilgamish and Enkidu, the Uzbek Alpamys and Kara-
dzhan, the Armenian brothers Sanasar and Bagdasar. When the
hero forms a friendship with a man who is only less heroic than
himself, he forms a partnership of a special kind. The participants
share both dangers and glory, and the honour of one is the honour
of the other. Such friendships are based on mutual respect, and
each partner expects and receives the utmost from the other. It
is therefore appropriate that the great friendship of Gilgamish and
Enkidu should begin with a tremendous fight between them, since
this shows each what the other is worth and inspires mutual
devotion. A hero's love for his friend is different from his love
for his wife or his family, since it is between equals and founded
on an identity of ideals and interests. A hero will speak to his
friend with a frankness which he will not use to his wife, and
consult him on matters which he would never discuss with her.
In such an alliance there is a senior partner, like Achilles or
Gilgamish or Roland or Alpamys or Sanasar, and a junior partner
like Patroclus or Enkidu or Oliver or Karadzhan or Bagdasar.
The senior normally makes proposals and expects them to be
carried out, but the junior may offer criticisms and suggestions
and is by no means bound to unquestioning subservience. In the
end agreement is reached, even if one partner doubts its wisdom.
When Gilgamish forms his plan for destroying the ogre Humbaba,
Enkidu has serious doubts, but Gilgamish overrules with a heroic
appeal :
" Whom, my friend, does death not conquer ?
A god, truly, lives for ever in the daylight,
But the days of mortals are numbered.
All that they do is but wind.
But now that thou art afraid of death,
Thy courage giveth no substance to thee.
I will be thy vanguard." l
To this Enkidu submits, and Humbaba is destroyed by their
combined attack. A more serious case of disagreement comes in
Roland over the blowing of the horn. When he sees the Saracens
approaching, Oliver calls on Roland to blow his horn and summon
Charlemagne to their aid. He repeats the request three times,
1 Gilgamish, in, iv, 5-11.
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HEROIC POETRY
and three times Roland refuses.1 What is for Oliver a wise
precaution is impossible for Roland on a point of honour. Since
he has promised to guard the army's rear, he cannot ask for help ;
for that would be to admit that the task is beyond his powers.
Oliver is not convinced by his reasoning but gives in unwillingly
as to a superior. Later the irony of events reverses the situation.
Roland now, seeing that their fight is against hopeless odds,
wishes to blow the horn and summon Charlemagne to their aid,
but this time Oliver opposes it on the grounds that the Emperor
would never forgive them.2 His opposition is strong and pas-
sionate, and the two friends are near to quarrelling ; but again
Roland has his way, and blows the horn. Of course it is too late,
and both heroes are dead before Charlemagne arrives. It might
be argued that on both occasions Roland is wrong and Oliver
right, but the poetry comes from the tension which arises when
the two friends disagree on a fundamental point of honour.
The Iliad presents a case of agreement between friends which
is no less tragic than any disagreement. When Achilles plans to
humiliate the Achaeans by allowing them to be defeated and
largely succeeds, his friend, Patroclus, is deeply distressed. He
chides Achilles for his hardness of heart and asks for leave to go
to battle to help the distressed Achaeans.3 He acts with perfect
justice. He has stood loyally by Achilles until his plan should
succeed, and now that the plan has succeeded, he does not wish
it to go too far. Achilles allows him to do what he wishes. No
doubt he himself has begun to see that he has gone far enough,
but his pride does not yet allow him to take part in the battle
and reverse the situation. Instead he lends Patroclus his armour
and sends him out. The result is that Patroclus is killed and
Achilles bitterly regrets his decision. When he hears the news of
Patroclus' death, he feels that he is responsible for it and that, if
he had been present, he might have saved him.4 For this sense of
failure he must find an outlet, and he finds it in his desire to
revenge the death of Patroclus on Hector. In this way he hopes
to redeem his own honour and that of his fallen friend. The
poetry lies in the powerful human emotions which create such a
situation and give significance to it.
A friendship of this kind is founded on deep affection. When
Achilles hears of Patroclus' death, he pours ashes on his head and
face and garments and lies in the dust tearing his hair. His
passionate, uncontrolled nature responds with terrible force to
1 Roland, 1051 ff. * Ibid. 1702 ff.
3 //. xvi, 21 ff. 4 Ibid, xviii, 82 and 100.
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THE POETRY OF ACTION
the feeling of loss, and indeed something essential to his whole
being has been taken from him. He has to make a fresh start
without an element in his life which he has taken for granted and
valued highly. Gilgamish is affected in a similar way by the death
of Enkidu. Though he is less directly to blame for this than
Achilles is for the death of Patroclus, he is not entirely without
responsibility, since the gods kill Enkidu for sharing the activities
of Gilgamish. When Enkidu lies dead, Gilgamish laments over
him :
" Hearken to me, Elders, to me shall ye listen.
I weep for my comrade Enkidu,
I cry bitterly like a wailing woman.
My grip is slackened on the axe at my thigh,
The sword on my belt is removed from my sight.
My festal attire gives no pleasure to me,
Sorrow assails me and casts me down in affliction.*' l
He recalls what he and Enkidu did together and walks up and
down in front of the dead body, tearing his hair. Then, just as
Achilles decides that he must do proper honour to his dead friend,
by giving him a magnificent funeral, so Gilgamish promises to do
something of the same kind for Enkidu :
" I Gilgamish, thy friend and thy brother,
Will give thee a great couch to lie upon,
Will give thee a splendid couch to lie upon,
Will set thee on a great throne at my left hand,
That the lords of Death may kiss thy feet ;
I will make the people of Erech lament thee,
I will make them mourn for thee,
And force maidens and warriors to thy service.
For thy sake I will make my body bear stains ;
I will put on a lion's skin and range over the desert." 2
The splendid rite is the last tribute which the hero can pay to his
dead comrade, and he stints nothing in it. Such an end is needed
if only to pay due honour to what Gilgamish and Enkidu have
done together.
Such friendships usually last till death, but sometimes they
are endangered by both partners wishing for something which
cannot be shared and each feeling that its acquisition concerns his
honour. The Armenian brothers, Sanasar and Bagdasar, present
a noble example of heroic affection and identity of aims pursued
through many severe ordeals, but unfortunately they both wish
to win the same woman, and for this reason they fight. They are
not in love with her, since neither has seen her, and indeed the
1 Gilgamish, vm, ii, 1-8. 2 Ibid. 49-111, 7.
67
HEROIC POETRY
whole quarrel is based on a misunderstanding, since the message
which she sends to Sanasar comes by mistake to Bagdasar, who
naturally feels insulted when his brother claims priority. Honour
demands that they should fight it out, and, being heroes, they do
so with full passion and strength. The struggle lasts for one
whole day without result, is continued on the next day, and then
Sanasar, who is slightly the more powerful of the two, unhorses
his brother. At this point his honour is satisfied, but, more than
this, his human feelings assert themselves and he at once regrets
what he has done :
" What have I done ! In my strength
I did not reckon my hand's cunning !
I have struck, I have killed my brother ! "
Fortunately Bagdasar is not dead. Sanasar carries him to their
home and weeps over him until he regains consciousness, and the
whole cause of the quarrel is cleared up. Bagdasar not only
forgives his brother but acknowledges his own inferiority :
" Brother, I did not see, alas !
That you are so much stronger than I !
But for your sake I am ready to die.
Let us make peace. You are bolder than I.
It is finished. I will not raise a hand against you.
I am your younger brother, you are my elder.
All that you bid me I will accomplish.
I will not thwart you, brother.
Arise, go, take that maiden, win her for yourself." l
The result is that both brothers go off in search of the maiden,
and, after passing through many dangers together, secure her for
Sanasar. In the end their sense of individual honour is tran-
scen led by their affection for one another and satisfied by the lure
of a i • w and dangerous quest.
In c ntrast to a hero's friends we may consider his enemies
and the [ jets' treatment of them. Here on the whole it is perhaps
surprising to find that most heroes dislike and despise those whom
they oppose in war. For this there is sometimes a religious reason,
as when the Christians of Roland despise the Saracens, or the
Kara-Kirghiz and Uzbeks the Kalmucks, or the Serbs the Turks.
In such cases part of the heroes' strength lies in their sense of a
superiority which God has granted to them and still favours. In
different ways the inferiority of the enemy is stressed to make them
less admirable, as Roland stresses the treachery and uncontrolled
passions of the Saracens, or Manas the craft and magic of the
1 David Sasunskiiy p. 66 ff.
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THE POETRY OF ACTION
Chinese, or the poems on Marko the brutality of the Turks.
There is no question of men meeting each other on equal terms
in valiant rivalry ; it is a question of right pitted against wrong
and striving earnestly to win. Such circumstances hardly permit
courtesies on the battlefield or much consideration for the con-
quered and the captured. Even so honour forbids too great
brutality against a defeated foe, and while Charlemagne is
content with baptising Saracens, so the Kara-Kirghiz, once the
victory is won, are content with loot and do not indulge in indis-
criminate slaughter. Even though heroes in these cases are
inspired by an exclusive religion, they remain heroic within certain
fixed limits. If Roland fails to reflect that equality between
antagonists, with its mutual respect and its exchanges of courtesies,
which existed between Richard Coeur de Lion and Saladin, it
still maintains certain rules of behaviour and allows some ele-
mentary human rights to the conquered, even if they are heathen,
and in this respect the Mohammedan and Buddhist poems of the
Tatars and Mongols are not fundamentally different from it.
If religion plays a less dominant part in a heroic outlook,
there is a possibility that the two sides in a war may treat each
other with considerably more ease and equality. In the Iliad the
Achaeans and the Trojans fight desperately on the battlefield, but
there are no atrocities and very few outbursts of abuse. At times,
as when Glaucus and Diomedes meet, friendly relations are
established and gifts exchanged, and furious though Achilles'
anger is against the whole breed of Priam, he treats the old man
himself with great ceremony and consideration when he comes to
ransom the body of Hector. Of course in this war, fought for a
man's wife, many of the chief warriors take part just to win
honour through prowess, and have no reason to hate or despise
the other side, which indeed resembles theirs very closely in its
religion and way of life. Perhaps something of the same kind
existed in the old Germanic poems about war, and for the same
reason. In The Battle of the Goths and the Huns the fight is indeed
fearful, but there is no indication of sharp practice, and Humli,
the king of the Huns, insists on observing the inviolability of the
messenger sent by the Goths. In Hildebrand the fight between
father and son is preceded by a dignified interchange of questions
and answers about lineage and antecedents. Conversely, when the
rules of heroic conduct are broken, as they are at Finnsburh, it is
assumed that vengeance must be taken. The Germanic world,
like the Homeric, demands a strict code of behaviour between
antagonists. Of course the rules are sometimes broken but that is
HEROIC POETRY
not to be lightly forgiven and may demand a hideous vengeance. In
general, however bloodthirsty and fierce war may be, and whatever
fury may possess its exponents, they are still bound by a certain
code which insists that a hero's opponents are ultimately of the
same breed as himself and that he should treat them as he would
wish to be treated himself.
Exceptions to this general rule occur when a hero feels that
some enemy has struck him in his self-respect or insulted his
heroic pride. That is why Achilles has so devouring a hatred for
Hector, who in killing Patroclus has dealt Achilles an unforgivable
blow. He feels that his life has been ruined and the consciousness
that he might have saved Patroclus from death only makes his
bitterness greater. His wounded pride can be assuaged only by
the death of Hector, and when he has killed him, he still feels
unsatisfied and wishes to maltreat his body. His anger ceases
when he yields to Priam's entreaties and gives him back the body
of Hector. In so doing he regains sanity and his proper, normal
self. An even more deadly hatred can be seen in Atlamdl when
Guthrun takes vengeance on her husband, Atli, because he has
killed her brothers. She first kills their children and serves them
up to him to eat. Nor is this enough for her ; she must then tell
him of her purpose to kill him :
" Still more would I seek to slay thee thyself,
Enough ill comes seldom to such as thou art ;
Thou didst folly of old, such that no one shall find
In the whole world of men a match for thy madness.
Now this that of late we learned thou hast added,
Great evil hast grasped, and thine own death-feast made." !
Guthrun differs from Achilles in acting in a way which is perhaps
unavoidable in her situation, but like him she breaks the usual
rules because her honour has been mortally wounded and drives
her to this extremity.
When honour turns to hatred and violence, heroic poetry may
develop a special kind of horror. Nor is this alien to its nature.
The life of war entails bloodshed and destruction, and the poet
necessarily tells of it, but when it passes the mean, it is only
another sign that the heroic life is full of perils and that the hero
must face this as well as other dangers. In countries which have
suffered from Turkish domination the poets often dwell on the
hideous actions of the persecuting masters, and tell with brutal
frankness of fearful tortures and mutilations. Sometimes these
may be simple occasions for vengeful delight, when the Turks
1 Atlamdl, 81.
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THE POETRY OF ACTION
turn on each other, as they do in the Greek poem on the capture
of Gardiki in 1812, when Ali Pasha punishes disobedient officers
and refuses them forgiveness :
" Here, take these men, and drag them out unto the lake's broad
margin ;
Come take stout timbers with you too, of stout spikes take you plenty.
Off with you ! nail them to the planks, and in the water throw them.
There let them swim the livelong day, the long day let them row there.'* l
When the Turks vent their fiendish ingenuity on their Greek
victims, the situation has to be treated more seriously, but the
poets describe it with the same fascinated horror. There is some-
thing specially blood-curdling about the affectation of chivalrous
respect which a vizier maintains when Kitzio Andoni is brought
bound to him :
" Now take him off and bind him fast below unto the plane-tree
And do not torture him at all, seeing that he's a hero ;
Only take hammers up and smite his arms and legs with hammers,
And break his arms and break his legs by beating them with hammers.
For he has slain Albanians and even Veli Ghekas
With thirteen of his followers and other soldiers also.
So torture him for all you can and break him into pieces." 2
There is a touch of patriotic pride in the way in which the Greek
poet tells how his countryman is tortured by the Turkish vizier.
Such are the risks which klephts take in opposing their infidel
masters, and it is only fair to recognise them. We are rightly
struck with horror, but it is tempered by satisfaction that the
Turks act in character and that the efforts to defeat them are all
the more necessary when things of this kind happen.
In these cases the horrors arise in a struggle between two
peoples, and our sympathies are all on one side. But some horrors
are not so clearly cut as these and invite more mixed feelings.
Indeed there are times when poets indulge in horrors almost for
their own sake as an element in a good story, or at least as a means
to illustrate the straits to which the heroic life may reduce its
participants. On such occasions moral considerations are inevit-
ably raised, and we have no right to assume that the poets them-
selves are indifferent to them. In this art the Norse Elder Edda
shows a considerable accomplishment. In several poems the
crisis comes with some horrifying event, of whose significance the
poet is well aware. This grim temper might be thought to be
due to hard conditions of life in Iceland with the inevitable sequel
that human life is held at a low price, and it is easy to refer it to
1 Passow, ccxix. 2 Baggally, p. 71.
HEROIC POETRY
the world of the Vikings. But it seems to be older than that.
Some of the harshest stories go back to the Germanic heroic age,
and it might be argued that the Norsemen preserved an original
brutality which their kinsmen in England forgot. Whatever the
explanation may be, this element is used with skill and power.
The stories are usually taut and terse and relate violent events in a
short compass. In reducing to a small scale the garrulity of heroic
poetry the Norse bards naturally kept the most exciting incidents,
and it was inevitable that they should bring a violent tale to a
formidable crisis. The result is a use of horror almost without
parallel anywhere else. It is true that Greek legends contain
horrifying episodes like those of Tantalus and Atreus and Tereus,
but it is significant that Homer, who must have known of them,
passes them by in silence. But in Norse poetry such stories
persisted from its earliest to its latest stages and are almost indis-
pensable to its most individual effects. Though something of
the same kind may be found in more primitive branches of heroic
poetry, we may doubt whether they are used with so calculated
a deliberation and are not due partly to some insensibility in the
poets.
Such horrors may do no more than emphasise a hero's heroism
and show that in the most appalling and fearful circumstances he
does not abate his courage or his style. In such cases the ordeal
through which a great man passes takes a peculiarly painful form,
but it remains an ordeal whose purpose is to reveal in their true
grandeur his bearing and conduct. In the harsh tales of Atli's
slaughter of the Sons of Gjuki there are cases of this. The first is
when Hogni's heart is cut out of him when he is still alive. In
Atlamdl the poet goes out of his way to praise him :
Then the brave one they seized ; to the warriors bold
No chance was there left to delay his fate longer ;
Loud did Hogni laugh, all the sons of day heard him,
So valiant he was that well he could suffer.1
In Atlakvitha the poet feels no need for comment, but shows with
admiring brevity Hogni's incredible self-command and contempt
for pain :
Then Hogni laughed when they cut out the heart
Of the living helm-hammerer ; tears he had not.2
The horror of this episode is so great that it leaves us almost
breathless, but none the less we are filled with amazed admiration
1 Atlamdl, 61.
2 Atlakvitha, 25. The " helm-hammerer " is of course Hogni.
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for a man who can so gaily submit himself to a hideous doom,
A somewhat similar sensation is aroused when Gunnar is thrown
by Atli into the snake-pit. This occurs both in Atlakvitha and
Atlanta^ and the treatment of it is very similar. Each tells that
Gunnar, when thrown into the pit, plays his harp, and each omits
to dwell on the fact that this is how he meets his death. Gunnar is
determined never to reveal to Atli the secret of the hidden gold
which Atli wants, and the poet of Atlakvitha shows what courage
can do in such a situation :
By the warriors' host was the living hero
Cast in the den where crawling about
Within were serpents, but soon did Gunnar
With his hand in wrath on the harp-strings smite ;
The strings resounded, — so shall a hero
A ring-breaker, gold from his enemies guard.1
The poet of Atlamdl is less interested in the reason for Gunnar's
suffering than in the way in which he surmounts it. He mentions
the significant detail that he plays the harp with his feet — because,
as the audience must know, his hands are bound :
A harp Gunnar seized, with his toes he smote it ;
So well did he strike that the women all wept,
And the men, when clear they heard it, lamented ;
Full noble was his song, the rafters burst asunder.2
Since Gunnar's heroism survives a hideous situation and a gross
personal indignity, the horror serves to show what a great man he is.
Norse poetry goes much further than this when it deals with
the destruction of children. Such themes were known to Greek
poetry in the tales of Tantalus and Atreus who serve up children
to be eaten at banquets, but the Norse poets use the theme and
others like it with a peculiar horror. When Volund begins to
avenge himself on Nithuth, who has kept him in bondage for many
years, his first step is taken through Nithuth's children, whom he
beguiles into his house and kills. He then proceeds with his
appalling plan :
Their skulls, once hid by their hair, he took,
Set them in silver and sent them to Nithuth ;
Gems full fair from their eyes he fashioned,
To Nithuth's wife so wise he gave them.
And from the teeth of the twain he wrought
A brooch for the breast, to Bothvild he sent it.3
1 Atlakvitha, 34. 2 Atlamdl, 62.
' Volundarkvitha, 25-6.
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HEROIC POETRY
Nithuth, his wife, and his daughter, Bothvild, are entirely deceived,
and the crisis comes when Volund tells them the truth. Now it is
clear that Volund's action is dictated by desire for revenge, and,
since he has been vilely treated by Nithuth, we have some
sympathy for him, but we may still feel qualms about the desperate
manner of his vengeance, and it is at least possible that a Norse
audience would have felt the same. The poet puts a severe strain
on our sympathy, and perhaps the explanation is that Volund is
not so much a hero as a magician. As a cunning smith he is outside
the code of heroic honour and is expected to practise sinister arts.
Volund should be viewed not with respect but with fear and awe,
as one who possesses special knowledge and may put it to ugly
purposes. When such a man is wronged, his vengeance will be
more than usually gruesome, and we must listen to his story with a
full apprehension of the fearful means of action which are at his
command.
Guthrun also kills children, but they are her own, and she
serves them up for her husband to eat. Since he has killed her
brothers, she must take vengeance on him, and is determined to
make it as complete and ruthless as possible. In Atlakvitha we do
not hear how Guthrun kills the children, and the first hint that
she has done so comes when she says to Atli :
" Thou mayst eat now, chieftain, within thy dwelling,
Blithely with Guthrun young beasts fresh slaughtered." *
The " young beasts " are her sons by Atli — Erp and Eitil —
whose flesh he eats in ignorance. When he has done so, Guthrun
tells him the truth, and the first step in her vengeance is complete.
The poet stresses that Guthrun weeps neither for her dead brothers
nor for her children whom she has herself slain, as if he wished
to make her character as grim as he can. In Atlamdl the episode
is told in almost the same outline but with a difference of emphasis.
The poet adds pathos to the boys' fate by making them ask
Guthrun why she wishes to kill them, and he adds an unexpected
touch of horror when she, in telling Atli what has happened,
spares him nothing :
" The skulls of thy boys thou as beer-cups didst have,
And the draught that I made thee was mixed with their blood.
I cut out their hearts, on a spit I cooked them.
I came to thee with them, and calf's flesh I called them ;
Alone didst thou eat them, nor any didst leave,
Thou didst greedily bite, and thy teeth were busy/' 2
1 Atlakvitha, 36, 3-4. 2 Atlatndl, 77-8.
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In both accounts Guthrun's motive is vengeance, and to this
extent she resembles Volund. Since her husband has wronged
her irredeemably by killing her brothers whose treasure he covets,
he is beyond mercy, and up to a point Guthrun acts rightly.
But her vengeance takes a dire form, of which the poets are fully
conscious. They stress the horror because it shows to what straits
Guthrun has been brought and how her heroic temper turns with
all its fierceness to exact the utmost humiliation from Atli.
These scenes of horror are connected with something else
which receives some prominence in heroic poetry — its sense of
the disasters which await the great and its feeling for their im-
aginative appeal. Such a subject can hardly be avoided. Men
who live by violent action will often find that it recoils on them
and ruins them. The poet naturally tells of this and in doing so
tries to explain it and implicitly comments on it by his treatment
of it. On the whole the more primitive kinds of poetry avoid
such subjects. The heroes of the Kara- Kirghiz or the Kalmucks
or the Yakuts end their days in happiness, honoured and success-
ful. Even Homer avoids closing the Iliad on a tragic note. Tt is
true that more than once he points out that Achilles' death is not
far distant, but the Iliad ends not with it but with the funeral of
Hector, while the Odyssey may indeed stress that Odysseus is
not entirely secure even after he has killed the Suitors, but none
the less leaves him in possession of his wife and his home. On
the other hand great disasters and catastrophes are faced fearlessly
by Jugoslav, French, Norse, and Anglo-Saxon heroes. The
question is what poetry is extracted from them.
At the outset it is worth noticing that the calamities of heroic
poetry are seldom treated in a truly tragic spirit. What happens
in Roland or Maldon or the Jugoslav poems on Kosovo is indeed
a gigantic disaster, but not of the same kind as what happens in
King Oedipus or King Lear. First, when Roland or Byrhtnoth
falls after a furious fight, we do not have the same sense of utter
desolation and waste that we have in authentic tragedy. It is
true that the heroes' efforts may well have been futile, that their
armies are destroyed and their enemies triumphant. It is also
true that they seem to be caught, often through their own decisions,
in a web of disaster from which there is no honourable escape but
death. But, even allowing for all this, their deaths are somehow
an occasion for pride and satisfaction. We feel not only that their
lives are not given in vain, since they have set an example of how
a man should behave when he has to pass the final ordeal of
manhood, but that by choosing this kind of death he sets a logical
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and proper goal for himself. The man who has killed others must
be ready to be killed himself. There is more than a poetic justice
in this ; there is an assumption that, since the hero subjects his
human gifts to the utmost strain, he will in the end encounter
something beyond him, and then it is right for him to be defeated.
Secondly, we may well doubt whether the catastrophes of heroic
poetry normally evoke pity and fear. Are we really sorry for
Roland or for Lazar or the heroes of Maldon in their last great
fights ? Do we not rather feel that it is all somehow splendid
and magnificent and what they themselves would have wished
for, " a good end to the long cloudy day " ? Equally, do we really
feel fear for them ? Of course we know that they run terrible risks
and have no chance of survival. But surely we do not feel fear
for them as we do for Lear on the heath or for Oedipus when he
begins to discover the whole horrible truth. Indeed the nearer
these heroes come to their ends, the greater is our pride and delight
in them. This surely is the way in which they should behave
when death is near, and if death were not near, they would miss
this chance of showing the stuff of which they are made.
Great catastrophes are occasions for heroes to make their
greatest efforts and perform their finest feats. This is pre-
eminently the case in Roland, where not only Roland and Oliver
but their companions show strength and skill to a prodigious
degree. Although the odds are extravagantly against them, they
surpass even their own records, and both Roland and Oliver kill
large numbers of enemy before they are themselves wounded.
When finally they are mortally struck, their deaths come largely
because they are utterly exhausted by their efforts. They have
done all and more than all that can be expected of them, and that
is why their deaths are hardly matter even for sorrow, let alone
for any violent tragic emotions. It is indeed what they would have
desired. For, as Charlemagne says,
" At Aix I was, upon the feast Noel,
Vaunted them there my valiant chevaliers,
Of battles great and very hot contests ;
With reason thus I heard Reliant speak then :
He would not die in any foreign realm
Ere he'd surpassed his peers and all his men,
To the foes' land he would have turned his head,
Conqueringly his gallant life he'ld end." 1
In such a death there is undeniably something complete and
satisfying. The same note may be seen in Maldon. When Offa
1 Roland, 2860-67.
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THE POETRY OF ACTION
dies in the fight, his end is both what he would himself have
wished and what his companions regard as right and fitting :
Swiftly was Offa struck down in battle ;
Yet what he promised his prince he accomplished,
As erstwhile he boasted to the bestower of rings,
That they should both of them ride to the stronghold,
Unscathed to their home, or fall with the host,
Perish of wounds on the field of war.1
The secret of this poetry is that it sees in heroic death the fitting
fulfilment of a heroic life. That both Roland and the men of
Maldon die in defeat does not matter. It is far more important
that their personal honour has been vindicated beyond challenge
and that they have justified both their own boasts and the high
hopes that others have held of them.
In heroic poetry, death, no matter how disastrous, is usually
transcended in glory. But there are some cases where it is
authentically tragic and produces a different effect. Such cases
come from a conflict between two heroes and relate to some
struggle between them which can only be solved by death, and
since both protagonists may be noble and attractive, the death of
one arouses emotions other than pride and glory. Such is the
struggle between Achilles and Hector. It is inevitable that they
should meet in deadly conflict, and hardly less inevitable that
Hector should lose. He is, heroically speaking, inferior to Achilles,
whom he equals neither in speed nor in strength. But humanly he
is at least equally attractive, and his fate therefore is bound to
concern us. Indeed it has a special claim because on his life so
much depends — the fortunes of his old parents, his wife and small
son, and the whole existence of Troy. His death is a culmination
of his life, and he himself knows that it will come. But when he
dies, any sense of satisfaction which it might have brought is
overwhelmed in the prospects of disaster which it makes imminent.
It is as if with his death the whole of Troy shakes to its founda-
tions.2 Moreover, Homer emphasises the tragic character of
Hector's death by showing its effect on his wife. She is indoors
at her loom and gives orders to her servants to heat the bath-water
for Hector when he returns from the battlefield. Suddenly she
hears a noise of lamentation and goes to find out what it means,
only to see her husband's dead body being dragged behind the
chariot of Achilles.3 Such a death is not like Roland's. Hector has
too many human ties to win the isolated glory which comes to a
great hero when he dies in battle. In his case the only answer to
1 Maldon, 288-93. 2 //. xxii, 410 ff. 3 Ibid. 437 ff.
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HEROIC POETRY
death is grief, and this Homer depicts in the lamentations which
the women of Troy make for him after his death.
Something similar may be seen in the Elder Edda where
Sigurth is a great hero, who comes to a terrible end for which
there is no consolation in a sense of glorious completeness.
Indeed his death is even more painful than Hector's since it is
encompassed by a woman who loves him and a man to whom he
has given magnificent and devoted service. When Gunnar yields
to Brynhild's demand that Sigurth be slain, a situation arises
which can strike us only with dismay and horror. Moreover, this
death is carried out by methods which destroy any sympathy we
might otherwise feel for the killers. They may act on a point of
honour, but their action is little short of dishonourable. Gunnar
feels that he himself cannot kill Sigurth, since they are bound
by oaths of friendship ; so he persuades his brother, Gotthorm,
who is bound by no such oath, to do the ghastly work for him.
Gotthorm attacks Sigurth treacherously when he is asleep in bed,
and the one consolation in the whole episode is that Sigurth dies
fighting and, before he perishes, kills his slayer :
In vengeance the hero rose in the hall,
And hurled his sword at the slayer bold ;
At Gotthorm flew the glittering steel
Of Gram full hard from the hand of the king.
The foeman cleft asunder fell,
Forward hands and head did sink,
And legs and feet did backwards fall.1
The poet exerts himself to win sympathy for Sigurth and to make
his death an occasion for horrified pity. It is a terrible crime, and
though the reasons for it may have been unanswerable from a
heroic standpoint, the horror of it remains.
The ever-present menace of violent death is a challenge to a
hero because it means that in the short and uncertain time at his
disposal he must strain his utmost to exert all his capacities and
win an imperishable name. But poets are not content always to
treat death as a final obliteration. They sometimes tell how heroes
face it in an even bolder spirit and seek to master its mysteries by
exploring the twilit world of the dead or conversing with spirits.
Then for a moment the darkness which wraps human life is
broken, and we see something of the dread powers which rule
men's destinies. Instead of confining itself to the familiar world,
heroic poetry then breaks into the unknown, broadens its range,
1 Sigurtharkvitha en Skamma, 22-3.
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THE POETRY OF ACTION
and sets its actions in an unfamiliar perspective. Such episodes
are an inheritance from shamanistic poetry, which still uses them
among the Tibetans, the Abakan Tatars, and the Finns. But
what is natural enough for a magician is more surprising in a hero
and needs a new interpretation. It is perfectly suitable that the
sorcerers of the Kalevala, who seek to know all earth's secrets,
should visit the god of death, but when the Esthonian Kalevide
does so, he acts from an excess of heroism, from a desire to defeat
even the final and ineluctable powers who control him. In such
an adventure he cannot quite dispense with magic, and in this
shows his affinities to the shamans, but his best moments are
when he sheds magic for purely human means, as when he is
offered a wishing-cap and rod but refuses them as fit only for
witches and wizards. In this choice he shows his superiority and
proves that, even below the earth, it is the heroic qualities that
count. When the crisis comes, the Kalevide fights like a man with
the god of death. Sarvik comes with a noise like hundreds of
cavalry thundering along a copper roadway ; the earth quakes,
and the cavern shakes beneath him, but the Kalevide stands un-
dismayed at the entrance, waiting for the onslaught :
Like the oak-tree in the tempest,
Or the red glow mid the cloudlets,
Or the rock amid the hailstorm,
Or a tower in windy weather.1
Though in his struggle with Sarvik the Kalevide uses magic, in
the end he wins because of his undaunted courage and obstinate
refusal to retreat. The episode shows that, even when they are
confronted with supernatural enemies, heroes may triumph by
being true to their own rules. By setting the Kalevide in this
unwonted situation, the poet throws a fresh light on his prowess
and capacity.
When visits to the underworld pass beyond the limits of a
shamanistic outlook and are related to a purely heroic attitude,
the poets are free to do much with them and ennoble them with
great flights of imagination, especially by showing what they mean
to the human beings who embark upon them. In the Norse
Brynhild' s Hell Ride Brynhild, after her body has been burned on
its pyre, is carried on a waggon to the underworld. On the way
she meets a giantess, who blocks her advance and refuses admission
to her because she follows Sigurth, who is the husband of another
woman. In the dialogue that follows Brynhild triumphs by sheer
1 Kirby, i, p. 101.
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HEROIC POETRY
force of character. So far from being ashamed of her actions, she
is proud of her valour in battle and of her chaste love for Sigurth :
" Happy we slept, one bed we had,
As he my brother born had been ;
Eight were the nights when neither there
Loving hand on the other laid." *
Because of this she has lost Sigurth and her own life, but it is none
the less a satisfaction to her. Her love will defeat all obstacles in
the end, and it is futile for the giantess to try to obstruct her :
" But yet we shall live our lives together,
Sigurth and I. gink down, Giantess ! " 2
By basing his poem on the belief that love is stronger than death,
the poet gives a special character to the theme of a journey to the
underworld. Of course his version is new and original. His
heroine is not alive but dead ; it is her passion for Sigurth which
survives and, being no less strong than it was in life, carries all
before it. Through the force of her passion Brynhild remains
herself, even though her body has been burned. She acts as she
ought to act in this strange situation, as if all that is inessential
has been purified from her, and what remains is her true, un-
changing self. If the giantess stands for those rules which
normally guide the conduct and determine the merits of men and
women, Brynhild is moved by something stronger and finer, by
a spirit unconquerable even after death.
Another powerful variant on the theme of the underworld is
presented by Gilgamish. Gilgamish's companion, Enkidu, is
doomed by the gods to death because the pair of them have
insulted Ishtar. Before dying Enkidu dreams what will happen to
him and learns of the state of the dead :
" He seized me and led me
To the Dwelling of darkness, the home of Ikkalla,
To the Dwelling from which he who enters never comes forth,
On the road by which there is no returning,
To the Dwelling whose tenants are robbed of the daylight,
Where their food is dust, and mud is their sustenance.
Like birds they wear a garment of feathers,
They sit in the darkness and never see the light." 3
Beyond this the fragments of the text do not permit us to go safely,
though it is clear that Enkidu dreams of the gods of the under-
world. The poet presents his vision of the dead and gives to it a
1 Helreith Brynhildar, 12. 2 Ibid. 14, 3-4.
3 Gilgamish, vn, iv, 33-40.
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peculiar appeal because it comes to a hero in the zenith of his
glory. What might be no more than a depressing account of the
life beyond gains greatly in pathos because it is presented at this
time in this tragic and intimate way. Enkidu is humbled by the
gods in being made to die, and his punishment is all the harsher
because he learns in advance what it is going to be. Nor is the
poet content with this. The lesson which Knkidu learns must
be brought home also to Gilgamish, and this happens when
Gilgamish summons his friend's spirit and questions it about
death. Enkidu's spirit speaks unwillingly, knowing that what he
has to say can bring nothing but sorrow :
11 I will not tell thee, I will not tell thee ;
Were I to tell thee what I have seen
Of the laws of the Underworld, sit down and weep ! " l
Gilgamish insists on hearing and forces Knkidu to speak of the
dismal fate that awaits the living :
" The friend thou didst fondle, in whom thou didst rejoice,
Into his body, as though it were a mantle,
The worm has made its entry ;
The bride thou didst fondle, in whom thou didst rejoice,
Her body is filled with dust." 2
So the old stories are related to a living fear of death and a know-
ledge of what it does to the human body. The legend is trans-
formed into a vivid, all too possible experience.
In the Odyssey Odysseus goes to the end of the world to consult
the ghost of the seer Teiresias about the future. Odysseus does
not go beneath the earth, but, guided by Circe's instructions,
sails to the stream of Ocean and crosses it to the land of the
Cimmerians " wrapped in mist and cloud ". By the Ocean
Odysseus digs a trench, into which he pours blood, and hither
the ghosts gather, since, if they drink of the blood, they regain for
a moment their lost wits and become something like their old
selves again. Some of the great heroes of Troy appear and speak
in their essential character. First, Agamemnon tells of his
murder by his wife. The proud general of the Achaeans has been
killed in a brutal and shameful manner in his home and feels
angry resentment for it, but he nurses a hope that his son will
avenge him, and in the thought of this his pride revives. After
him appears Achilles, who asks about his son and is glad to hear
of his prowess :
1 Ibid, xii, i, 90-92. 2 Ibid. 93-7.
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And the spirit of fleet-foot Achilles
Passed with his great long strides going over the asphodel meadow,
Joyful because I had said that his son gained honour and glory.1
The third to appear is Ajax, with whom Odysseus has quarrelled
fatally at Troy. Even in death Ajax keeps his old hatred of
Odysseus and silently rejects the friendly words addressed to him :
So did I speak, but he answered to me not a word, and departed
To Erebus, to mingle where other spirits had gathered.2
In this passage Homer shows what awaits heroes after death. Only
if they drink blood have they any true consciousness, and even
then their thoughts turn to their past lives or to hopes of glory
for their sons. This is the background against which the heroic
world plays out its drama. Homer uses the theme of a blood-
sacrifice to the dead, which is at least as old as the fifteenth
century B.C. when it appears on a sarcophagus found at Hagia
Triada in Crete,3 to pass a comment on the terms on which heroic
life is held.
If the ghosts of heroes illustrate Homer's attitude towards the
love of glory, the scene between Odysseus and his mother is a
comment on the affections. Odysseus has been away from home
for many years and does not know that his mother is dead. Hers
is the first ghost to appear, but he does not speak to her first,
because he has to question the ghost of Teiresias before any other.
When he has done this, he allows his mother to come near and
drink of the blood, and then she knows him and can speak to
him. He questions her, especially about her death, and her answer
shows the strength of her affection for him :
" For it was not she, the keen-eyed Archer of Heaven,
Stole on me unperceived, and painlessly smote with her arrows,
Nor did a fever attack me, and with its wasting consumption,
Such as is common with men, drain out the life from the body ;
But it was longing and care for thee, my noble Odysseus,
And for thy kindness of heart, that robbed me of life and its
sweetness. " 4
This stirs Odysseus' love in return, and three times he tries to
embrace her, but three times she eludes him " like a shadow or a
dream ". He complains of it to her, and her reply reveals the
piteous state of the dead :
" Woe is to me, my son ; most wretched art thou above all men.
Think not the daughter of Zeus, Persephone, wishes to cheat thee ;
1 Od. xi, 538-40. 2 Ibid. 563-4.
3 Bossert, p. 48 ff. 4 Od. xi, 198-203.
82
THE POETRY OF ACTION
This is the law of mortals, whenever anyone dieth,
Then no longer are flesh and bone held together by sinews,
But by the might of the blazing fire are conquered and wasted.
From that moment when first the breath departs from the white bones,
Flutters the spirit away, and like to a dream it goes drifting." l
For Homer love and heroism are equally destroyed by death.
The momentary revival of them in these eerie conditions only
serves to show how utter their obliteration is.
The pathos of Homer's ghosts is that they long to be on earth
and to regain their old lives. The mere presence of Odysseus,
alive and active among them, stirs their faint, wistful longings, and
it is not surprising that, when the ghost of Agamemnon sees him,
it weeps and stretches out hands towards him, although it has
no power or strength to do anything.2 So in another scene of the
Odyssey the state of the dead is conveyed through a precise and
poignant simile :
As when bats in the deep hollows of a marvellous cavern
Screech and flutter about, whenever one of them falleth
Down from the rock where it clings, and they cleave close one to
another. 3
So the dead screech and flutter, showing the meaninglessness and
futility of their existence. But the deepest pathos of their situa-
tion is that dimly and vaguely but none the less keenly they are
conscious of the contrast between what they were on earth and
what they are now. At least, when Achilles drinks of the blood
and regains for a moment his old wits, he knows how vastly
inferior his present state is to the lowest that he can imagine
upon earth. He recognises Odysseus and asks him why he has
come to visit the dead, since they are senseless and mere phantoms
of the living. Then, from his momentary knowledge he compares
his present with his past and says :
" Speak no words unfitting of death, most famous Odysseus.
Would that I were once more upon earth, the serf of another,
Even of some poor man, who had not wealth in abundance,
Than be the king of the realm of those to whom death has befallen." «
Against this menacing prospect of a faint, resentful, bloodless
survival in the beyond, this sense that only upon earth is a man
fully in possession of his powers and his intelligence, Homer sets
his living world and marks the contrast between the full-blooded
Odysseus and the fluttering wraiths of his former comrades at
1 Ibid. 216-23. z Ibid. 392-4-
3 Ibid, xxiv, 6-8. 4 Ibid, xi, 488-91.
83
HEROIC POETRY
Troy. We can hardly fail to draw the conclusion that for Homer
and indeed for other heroic poets, the great deeds of the living
are the more worth doing because the chance for them is so
brief, and a great darkness awaits everyone afterwards.
If death bounds the heroic span of life, heroes, while they
live, have to reckon in the gods with something outside their
control and often hostile to their ambitions. The power of the
gods limits their activities in many ways and gives a special char-
acter to some classes of heroic poetry. They are, or can be, the
one thing with which heroes can reach no final settlement or
compromise. No doubt many heroes would be content to live
without them and feel no need of them, since they put all their
trust in their own specifically human powers. In much heroic
poetry the gods play no part either on the stage or behind the
scenes. It is for instance characteristic of the lays of heroes in the
Elder Edda that the gods have almost been eliminated from them.
Once, it seems, the gods took an active part in Norse stories, but
the extant poems have reduced their role almost to nothing.
Valkyries may speak in Hrafnsmal and Hakonarmdl, but they do
nothing else. It looks as if the Norse poets felt that any interfer-
ence with human action by the gods somehow lowers its dignity
and detracts from the heroes' glory. If gods were to be the subjects
of song, they should be confined to special poems about them in
which human beings have no part. This is an extreme position
and reveals a heroic humanism, which is not very common but is
none the less a logical development of a strictly heroic standpoint.
In monotheistic societies divine intervention in heroic actions
is rare and usually confined to events outside the sphere of prowess
and effort. In Roland angels come to carry off Roland's soul to
Paradise, but do not help him while he is alive. When Manas
dies, God sends an angel to make enquiries about his death and
restores him to life, but Manas' great performances are accom-
plished without divine help. In the poems about Dzhangar the
great man is blessed and protected by the saints of Buddhism,
but they do not interfere in his battles. We are left to assume
that the heroes, strengthened by their faith, whatever it may be,
and trusting consciously in it, need no additional support from
God. They carry out His will, and all goes well with them. The
same is true on a smaller scale of Russian byliny, although their
Christianity is more implicit than vocal, and of Bulgarian,
Armenian, Ukrainian, and Greek poems which tell of fights against
infidel Turks. To this general rule of monotheistic poetry there is
a small exception in Roland, where God twice intervenes to direct
THE POETRY OF ACTION
the action, first when He sends a supernatural darkness to announce
Roland's death,1 and secondly when He stops the sun to help
Charlemagne.2 Both episodes are built on biblical precedents, but
in fact neither really contributes very much to the action, since
in the first case Roland will none the less die, and in the second
we know that even without this help Charlemagne will chastise
the Saracens. The exception is not important and does little to
invalidate the general rule that in monotheistic societies heroic
poetry gives little active part to God.
There are, however, places in which a monotheistic religion
retains relics of older polytheistic beliefs and uses them for
narrative. The Ossetes of the Caucasus are in theory Christians,
but they keep many memories of an older religion and pre-
Christian gods. Just as the hero Batrazd has himself forged by
the divine smith Kurdalagon, so other heroes from time to time
sojourn in the sky with the gods and have to be summoned to
earth to succour their friends in need. The Ossetes seem to be
uneasy in their Christianity and to think that when heroism is in
question, men need divine support which is unlikely to come from
God and His Saints. Indeed to some saints, like St. Nicholas, they
are avowedly hostile and attribute various crimes. They prefer
to connect their heroes with pagan powers and to explain their
performances by these rather than to make any uneasy com-
promise with Christianity. Their poems come from a time when
men were thought to have easy commerce with gods, from whom
great men in particular learned much. To these beliefs they
adhere because they are necessary to the structure of the heroic
world of the Narts. If Christian beliefs have been superimposed
on them, they do little to affect either the course or the temper of
the stories.
Something of the same kind on a smaller scale can be seen
in the part played by the Vile in Jugoslav poems. They are
supernatural beings of no very obvious origin, akin perhaps to
the Valkyries, creatures of storm and mountain who occasionally
intervene in human actions. It is usual to translate the word by
" fairies ", but that gives too gentle and too fanciful a touch to
it. They are fierce female spirits, who take readily to violence.
Originally perhaps they were none too friendly to men. So Marko
Kraljevic* fights with a Vila who has wounded him because she
objects to his singing.3 But this hostile role seems to have decreased
with time until Vile have become the friends of heroes. Some-
times they perform neutral actions like prophesying death to
1 1431 ff. 2 2458 ff. 3 Karadzic, ii, p. 196 ff.
8s
HEROIC POETRY
Marko l and to Novak.2 But more often they are helpful, as
when they issue warnings of danger. So after the failure of the
revolt against the Turks in 1813, it is a Vila who warns Kara-
Djorje of dangers to come,3 and similar warnings are given
to the Montenegrin prince Danilo, who reigned from 1851 to
1 86 1, and tell him that the Turkish Sultan is sending a vast host
to attack him. Danilo tells the Vila to be silent, since he puts his
trust in the Russian and Austrian Emperors. The Vila then
warns him not to indulge false hopes and at last rouses him to
battle.4 Another task of Vile is to help soldiers in battle, as when
one comes to the wounded Ibro Nukic and restores him to health,5
or another tends the wounds of Vuk the Dragon-Despot.6 The
Vile have a real place in the Jugoslav heroic world. Once perhaps
they were more important and took a more active part in the
action, but even now they appear as incarnations of strange
powers which are interested in the doings of heroes and like to
help them on occasions. No doubt the Vile belong to some old
Slavonic world whose other inmates have disappeared, while they
survive because they embody a spirit of wildness and adventure.
When we turn from these cases of survival to polytheistic
religions in their full heyday, we find that the gods are much more
to the fore and more busy in the action of heroic poetry. The
Yakuts, for instance, are one of the few Tatar peoples of Asia
who have not embraced Islam, and their religion is still in some
sense polytheistic. It is true that they speak of a single, supreme
god, but they do not worship him, and he plays little part in their
poetry. On the other hand they give a considerable part to good
and evil spirits who intermingle with human beings and help to
sharpen the conflicts to which they are exposed. Indeed much
of Yakut poetry consists of struggles against evil spirits. The
heroes are helped by their own shamanistic powers as well as by
good spirits, with the result that in the end goodness triumphs.
This is a simple outlook, but has its own interest. The doings of
the human beings gain something in variety, if not in grandeur,
from their middle position between warring spirits ; they are at
least important enough for evil spirits to wish to harm them and
good spirits to protect them. The stories become more vivid
because issues of good and evil are at stake, and the sense of
heroic values is not diminished, even though the human actors
are the victims or beneficiaries of spiritual powers. Of course there
1 Karad2i<5, ii, p. 405 if. 2 BogiSic, no. 39.
3 Karadzic, iv, p. 268 ff. 4 Idem, iii, p. 472 ff.
5 Krauss, p. 394 ff. 6 BogiSid, no. 16.
86
THE POETRY OF ACTION
is nothing here like the stark human isolation of the Norse poems,
but the extension of the struggle into a supernatural sphere gives
to the Yakut world a new significance and a more dramatic appeal.
When a polytheistic religion holds the field, the poet may well
introduce gods and goddesses into his action, and even construct
his plot on the struggles of men against the gods. Such a poetry
is possible only when the gods are regarded not as types of good-
ness but simply as embodiments of power who govern human
affairs. There is nothing wrong in opposing them, but it is
extremely dangerous. The poet is therefore at liberty, if he
chooses, to put the gods in the wrong and the hero in the right,
or at least to distribute his praise and blame between them.
Something of the kind may be observed in the Canaanite Aqhat,
which tells how the hero Aqhat comes to his death through the
possession of a divine bow which the goddess 'Anat desires.
Though his death is accidental in the sense that 'Anat does not
wish it and asks for no more than his temporary disablement,
its importance is marked by the blight which falls on the earth
after it and is not stopped until the assassin, Yatpan, is discovered
and punished.1 Aqhat certainly has a kind of heroic grandeur
because he not only refuses the request of 'Anat for the bow but
in doing so is none too polite, while 'Anat herself, though innocent
of his blood, is indirectly responsible for the blight which falls on
the earth and has to be stopped by religious action. There is
an undeniable satisfaction in the moment when Aqhat's sister,
Yatpan, discovers the murderer and kills him, by making him
drink too much and fall asleep, and no doubt we are expected to
think this right and proper. Though some of the elements in the
story of Aqhat may be derived from a ritual of death and rebirth,
it remains a heroic narrative in which the gods are the antagonists
of men, and despite their superior powers are neither wholly
successful nor completely in the right. In contrast to them
Aqhat, with his presumption and insolence, has a heroic stature
and independence.
A poet may introduce gods for a more advanced function than
this, notably by depicting both men and gods to give a fuller
picture of the world in which his heroes live and to provide by
contrast a comment on their way of life. Notable cases of this are
Gilgamish and the Homeric poems. In both there is a contra-
diction between the ultimate power of the gods and the free and
easy way in which the heroes treat them. Just as Gilgamish
spends much of his time in trying to defeat the gods' plans for his
1 Caster, p. 257 ff.
87 G
HEROIC POETRY
destruction or to avoid death, which they have decreed for all men,
so the Homeric heroes think little of attacking gods and goddesses
in battle and treat them as none too serious adversaries. It is
possible that both in Gilgamish and in Homer a more primitive
outlook, which allows men to fight the gods, has been imperfectly
combined with a maturer outlook which insists that in the end the
gods must always win. But so far as the action of the poems is
concerned, the struggles are treated with a fine sense of dramatic
possibilities. The gods and goddesses look and behave like
human beings and enter easily into the pattern of the narrative.
Though they have moments which are beyond any human
capacity as when the gods of Gilgamish send the Flood, or Homer's
Zeus shakes Olympus with his nod, yet on the whole they behave
in a human way and are swayed by passions and desires like those
of men. Just as Zeus rules none too comfortably over his family
of immortals, so Anu treats Ishtar first with a charming candour
when he hears of her desire for vengeance on Gilgamish, and then
gives in to her importunities. The society of heroes is enlarged
by the presence of gods and goddesses, and there is no great
difference of manners between them. Through this the poets
secure a frame in which to place certain dramatic contrasts.
The gods are essential to the whole scheme of Gilgamish since
in his struggle with them the hero displays the full scope of his
energies and powers. But while this constitutes his heroic life,
his actual character is illuminated by contrasts which the poet
makes between him and the immortals at two important stages
of the story. The first is the splendid scene in which Ishtar
offers him her love and he not only refuses it but taunts her with
her treatment of her past lovers. Her conduct is fairly criticised
by her father, Anu, who tells her :
" Thou didst ask him to give thee the fruit of his body,
Hence he tells thee of thy sins, of thy sins and iniquities." J
Ishtar may be a goddess, but she is not at all beyond reproach,
whereas Gilgamish has both been heroically truthful in his words
to her and shown his superiority to the claims of the flesh. Later,
a like contrast is made between him and Siduri, the goddess of
wine. She deals not only with wine but with all that is associated
with it in the way of ease and indulgence, and her philosophy, which
she expounds to Gilgamish, is that of living for the pleasure of the
moment. With this he does not even trouble to argue, but states
firmly his intention of trying to win immortality and tells of all
1 Gilgamish, vi, 88-9.
88
THK POETRY OF ACTION
that he is prepared to risk on this quest. Once again he shows
his moral superiority to the gods, and the contrast shows his
true worth. If Gilgamish is superior to all other men, he is also
in some ways superior to the gods. For this he has to pay, but we
feel that what he does or tries to do is itself noble and that he
represents, within his human limitations, an exalted ideal of
heroism.
In the Homeric poems the gods play a more various part than
in Gilgamish. They are more active in the Iliad than in the
Odyssey, but in the Odyssey at least Athene and to a lesser degree
Poseidon are important characters who direct or obstruct the
actions of human beings. Homer's gods affect his poetry of action
in more than one way. First, they are powers of the spirit,
influences and impulses which a modern psychology might ascribe
to a man's nature but which the Greeks, not unwisely, saw as
external and independent influences coming from another order
of being. As such they may complete a man's natural and human
gifts, as Athene completes those of Odysseus in the Odyssey, where
she not only aids and abets him but admires his cunning and
does much for his son and family. It is as if he were partly an
embodiment of the intellectual qualities which she represents,
and for this reason he has a special dignity. Conversely, part of
the pathos of Helen is that she is the victim of Aphrodite, who
has decreed a destiny for her and refuses to release her from it.
When Helen succumbs to Paris, she does not wish to do so, but
she cannot help herself because she is the victim of a merciless
goddess.1 Yet there is something in Helen which makes her the
victim of Aphrodite — her essential femininity which asserts itself
even when she dislikes and condemns it. So too when Athene
appears to Achilles and is seen by him alone, so that he does
not use his sword to kill Agamemnon, she does no more than
strengthen and make explicit what already lies in his own nature.2
One aspect of Homer's gods is that they make his heroes more
truly themselves and therefore more heroic.
A second aspect is that the gods take sides in human struggles
for or against individual heroes. Just as Odysseus in the Odyssey
is supported by Athene and harried by Poseidon, so in the Iliad
the gods divide into two parties, one of which helps the Trojans
and the other the Achaeans. This is perhaps a reflection of
beliefs in national deities, but Homer gives to it a purely personal
form. The gods act on whims and impulses and seem to embody
the many forms which chance may take in human affairs. This
1 //. iii, 413 ff. z Jbid. i, 190 ff.
HEROIC POETRY
gives a peculiar character to some of the battles before Troy.
What seems at the start to be a not very important war becomes
more important because the gods are so concerned with it. And
even if their motives are highly subjective and irresponsible, that
only adds to the dignity of the men who fight with or against
them. Since the important thing is not the cause for which the
war began but the desire to win glory through heroism, men have a
greater chance of this when the gods take part in the action. It is
all the more noble of Diomedes that he does not shrink from
fighting even Ares, the god of war,1 and Hector's death is all the
more heroic when Apollo deserts him and leaves him to fight
Achilles alone.2
In Homer's treatment of the gods the paradox emerges that
they are less noble than men, and this is indeed inevitable to his
heroic vision of existence. His men are more serious, more
constant, more courageous. When they are wounded, they do not
howl as Ares does ; 3 they do not desert their friends as the gods
do ; they are faithful to their wives as the gods are not. All this
is required of heroes and appropriate to their special calling and
position. But the gods are not heroes. Being ageless and im-
mortal, they cannot take such risks as men do, and can do with
impunity what men may do at the cost of their lives. In con-
sequence the gods are less impressive than men. They can never
know the menace of death which forces a man to fill his life with
valorous actions, nor the code of honour which demands that a
short life should be rewarded by an undying renown. The gods
are free to do what they please, and for that reason behave without
responsibility and obligations ; and the result is that, despite all
their power and magnificence, they are not noble or dignified in a
human sense. With men it is different. They are bound by claims
and obligations, and in their devotion to these and especially to
the ideal of manhood which embodies them they achieve a real
nobility. In the Homeric poems, as in Gilgamish, man's mortality
greatly increases his grandeur, because it means that in his brief
career he must do his utmost to realise his ideal of manhood and
be prepared in the end to sacrifice everything for it.
1 //. v, 846 ff. 2 Ibid, xxii, 213. 3 Ibid, v, 860.
Ill
THE HERO
IN the poetry of heroic action leading parts are assigned to mer
of superior gifts, who are presented and accepted as being greatei
than other men.^/ Though much of their interest lies in whal
happens to them and in the adventures through which they pass,
an equal interest lies in their characters and personalities. Their
stories are the more absorbing because they themselves are what
they are. The fate of Achilles or Sigurth or Roland is the fate
not of an abstract Everyman but of an individual who is both
an example of pre-eminent manhood and emphatically himself.
Heroes awake not only interest in their doings but admiration
and even awe for themselves. Since heroic poetry treats of action
and appeals to the love of prowess, its chief figures are men who
display prowess to a high degree because their gifts are of a very
special order. This does not mean that all heroes are of a single
kind. Just as there is more than one kind of human excellence,
so there is more than one kind of hero. The different kinds reflect
not only different stages of social development but the different
metaphysical and theoretical outlooks which the conception of a
hero presupposes.
A hero differs from other men in the degree of his powers.
In most heroic poetry these are specifically human, even though
they are carried beyond the ordinary limitations of humanity.
Even when the hero has supernatural powers and is all the more
formidable because of them, they do little more than supplement
his essentially human gifts. He awakes admiration primarily
because he has in rich abundance qualities which other men have
to a much less extent. Heroic poetry comes into existence when
popular attention concentrates not on a man's magical powers
but on his specifically human virtues, and, though the conception
of him may keep some relics of an earlier outlook, he is admired
because he satisfies new standards which set a high value on any-
one who surpasses other men in qualities which all possess to
some degree.
In pre-heroic poetry magic plays quite a different part, and
the emphasis on human qualities is much less strong. The chief
HEROIC POETRY
man has pride of place because he is a magician and knows how
to control supernatural powers. A typical example can be seen in
the Finnish lays incorporated in the Kalevala, where the chief
characters are not warriors who prevail by strength and courage
but magicians who prevail by craft and a special knowledge.
For instance, when Vainamoinen, Ilmarinen, and Lemminkainen
steal the mysterious Sampo and carry it off in their ship, they are
pursued by the Mistress of Pohjola in a war- vessel, and a battle
follows, which is fought on very unusual lines. When Vaina-
moinen sees the ship coming in pursuit, he creates a reef, on
which it is shattered. The Mistress of Pohjola then turns herself
into a fearful flying monster and carries her company aloft with
her to assault the Finns from the sea. When she settles on the
masthead, Lemminkainen attacks her with a sword, but in such
a world weapons are useless ; and she is defeated only when
Vainamoinen assaults her magically with a rudder and an oak-spar.
Then she falls down and her company with her.1 In traditional
Finnish poetry the superior man prevails by special knowledge.
He is the representative of a society in which the priest-magician
is a very important person. But his poetical appeal is limited.
He does not stir the common admiration for physical prowess to
which heroic poetry appeals.
The emancipation of heroic poetry from the ideal of the
magician can be illustrated from two countries near Finland.
The indigenous poetry both of Esthonia and of northern Russia
shows some resemblances to that of Finland and has certain
themes and stories in common. But neither in Finland nor in
Russia is the magician the chief character. He may once have
been, but he has been superseded by the real hero. The Russian
poems come near to the Finnish when they tell of the primitive
hero, Volga, who can change his shape into a pike in the sea,
a falcon in the sky, and a wolf on the plain, and outwits the
Turkish Tsar by becoming a grey wolf which kills his horses
and an ermine which ruins his weapons.2 This is quite in the
Finnish manner and suggests that, even if Volga is a distant version
of some historical hero like Oleg, he has taken on some char-
acteristics of magicians like Vainamoinen. But Volga is not merely
or primarily a magician. He uses his gifts to fight for his country
and has some marks of a mediaeval prince, when he collects a
band, druzhina, of faithful companions, in which he is the " elder
brother " among " younger brothers ", with whom he hunts and
fishes, sees that tribute is properly paid, punishes those who destroy
1 Kalevala, xliii, 99 ff. 2 Rybnikov, i, p. 10 ff.
92
THE HERO
bridges, and organises the defence of his country against foreign
enemies. In Volga the older type of the magician passes into the
true hero but still keeps some of the earlier characteristics.
In the Esthonian lays, which Kreutzwald incorporated into the
Kalevipoeg, the emancipation is more conscious and more emphatic
than in the Russian poems on Volga. The chief hero is the
Kalevipoeg, or son of Kalev, known in the Kalevala as Kullervo.
His father Kalev seems to be an authentic hero, since it is possible
that he is the same as Gaelic, whom Widsith makes king of the
Finns.1 The Kalevipoeg himself is a giant of prodigious strength,
but, though what he does is quite beyond ordinary men, he
succeeds by the superabundance of his human gifts. His chief
enemies are sorcerers and magicians. His mother, Linda, is
carried off by a Finnish sorcerer whose suit she has rejected. The
Kalevipoeg goes to Finland and slays the sorcerer after a great
fight against whole armies of men whom the sorcerer creates by
blowing feathers. In this encounter physical prowess meets
magical powers and defeats them by force of arm. The difference
between Esthonian and Finnish ideals can be seen from the
treatment of Kullervo in the Kalevala. His character and powers
are very much the same as in the Kalevipoeg, but he is held up to
ridicule as a poor creature who lacks intelligence and comes to a
proper end when he kills himself on his own sword. Vaina-
moinen passes judgment on him as one who has been badly
brought up :
" Never, people, in the future,
Rear a child in crooked fashion,
Rocking them in stupid fashion,
Soothing them to sleep like strangers.
Children reared in crooked fashion,
Boys thus rocked in stupid fashion,
Grow not up with understanding,
Nor attain to man's discretion,
Though they live till they are aged,
And in body well-developed." z
The Esthonian poets treat of Kullervo's death in a different spirit.
They too tell that he is killed by his own sword, on which he has
set a curse that it may kill his enemy, the sorcerer, but when instead
it kills himself, it only helps to show how unheroic and dis-
tasteful magic is. The hero ought not to have used it, and since
he has, it brings ruin.
The process of change from a shamanistic to a purely heroic
) 20, with Chambers' note.
2 Kalevala, xxxvii, 351-60.
93
HEROIC POETRY
outlook may be seen in some Yakut poems in which the chief
characters are shamans, but none the less heroic. They need
magic because their opponents are usually demons or sorcerers,
but when it comes to the final test, it is physical prowess that tells,
as when Er Sogotokh fights with Nyurgun :
They rushed at one another with hands outstretched.
They began to cut one another with their hands.
The clatter was like the roll of thunder in a storm.
They shot out their hands and hammered one another
With fists on the ribs.
From that fight a lion wept, they say ;
Hail and snow began to fall, they say ;
The thick wood was bowed, they say.1
In another poem the chief characters are two women, who have
shamanistic powers, Uolumar and Aigyr. If they are not of the
calibre of Guthrun or accustomed to use men's weapons as she
does, they are certainly courageous and adventurous, when they
are harried and carried off by evil spirits, face the king of the
dead, and by a mixture of craft and bravery win their freedom
and are restored to their homes, where their valour is rewarded by
the birth of sons who do great deeds.2 The Yakut poets belong
to a world where the shaman is still an important person who
guides the religious and even the social life of the tribe. They
are therefore not likely to pour contempt on him, but they are
conscious enough of heroic worth to attribute it even to women
who practise magic. They see that, in violent action, strength and
courage are in the end more creditable than supernatural gifts.
Once a society conceives of the hero as a human being who
possesses to a notable degree gifts of body and mind, the poets
tell how he makes his career from the cradle to the grave. He is a
marked man from the start, and it is only natural to connect his
superiority with unusual birth and breeding. The greatest heroes
are thought to be so wonderful that they cannot be wholly human
but must have something divine about them. So Gilgamish is
" two-thirds divine and one-third human ", and his companion,
Enkidu, though not of divine lineage, is made of the desert clay
by the goddess Aruru to be the double of Ninurta, the god of
war. Achilles, as he is proud to point out to lesser men than
himself,3 is the son of a goddess. So too is the Trojan, Aeneas ; 4
and in the previous generation Heracles was the son of Zeus,
as was also Perseus. Asiatic heroes are often born in strange
1 Yastremski, p. 28. 2 Idem, pp. 122-54.
3 //. xxi, 109. 4 Ibid, xx, 208 ff.
94
THE HERO
circumstances. The Nart Uryzmag is born at the bottom of the
sea,1 while Batrazd is born from a woman who has been kept a
virgin in a high tower.2 The Armenian Bagdasar and Sanasar are
born because their mother drinks of a magical spring.3 Other
heroes, like the Kara-Kirghiz Manas and the Uzbek Alpamys, are
born when their fathers are far advanced in years, and the births
are regarded as the direct work of the gods in answer to prayer.
A particularly elaborate case of this is the Canaanite Aqhat, whose
father conducts a watch of seven days and nights in the sanctuary
of Baal, with the result that Baal intercedes with the supreme god,
El, and in due course Aqhat is born.4
Whatever a hero's birth may be, and of course it is often
natural enough, he is recognised from the start as an extraordinary
being whose physical development and characteristics are not
those of other men. There is about him something foreordained,
and omens of glory accompany his birth./ When Helgi Hundings-
bane is born, two ravens say :
" In mailcoat stands the son of Sigmund,
A half-day old ; now day is here ;
His eyes flash sharp as the heroes' are,
He is friend of the wolves ; full glad we are." 5
In the same spirit the Kara-Kirghiz, Alaman Bet, who is by birth a
Chinese, tells of the signs that accompanied his birth :
" When I came out of the womb,
I frightened the lamas with my cries,
I cried out, it seems, ' Islam ! '
When I was lifted up from the ground,
A red flame flashed forth from it." 6
When Manas is born, his delighted father gives a feast at which
the guests prophesy a great future for the child, saying that he
will overcome devils and Chinese. While still in the cradle, Manas
begins to speak, and his father gives him a horse, proclaiming that
he is ready to mount it.7 When Heracles is still in swaddling
bands, he strangles the two snakes which Hera sends to kill him.8
The hero's career begins early and shows what kind of a man he
is going to be.
Once born, the hero grows apace in strength and stature./ So
the Armenian poets have a formula for his development :
1 Dume'zil, p. 24 ff. 2 Idem, p. 50 ff.
3 David Sasunskii, p. 11 ff. 4 Caster, p. 270 ff.
5 Helgakvitha Hundingsbana, i, 6. 6 Manas, p. 175.
7 Radlov, v, p. 2 ff.
8 Pindar, Nem. i, 37 ff., presumably from an epic source.
95
HEROIC POETRY
Other children grow by years,
But David grew by days ; J
and show what infant prodigies, like Sanasar and Bagdasar, are in
fact like :
The children grew from day to day.
They were one year old
But like boys of five years.
They went out to play with children,
But they fought the children, beat them, and made them cry.
When only five or six years had passed,
Sanasar and Bagdasar
Were strong sturdy men.2
The Greek, Digenis Akritas, is of the same breed :
When one year old, he seized a sword ; when two, he took a lance up.
And when he was but three years old, men took him for a soldier.
He went abroad, men talked to him, of no man was he frightened. 3
Digenis mounts his horse, goes off to the mountains, and defies
the Saracens, whom he routs in feats of strength and whose horses
he takes. If human beings are not available, the young hero may
impress his personality on natural things and animals, as the
Russian Volga does :
When Volga Buslavlevich was five years old,
Lord Volga Busiavlevich went forth over the damp earth ;
Damp mother earth was rent.
The wild beasts fled away to the forests,
The birds flew away to the clouds ;
And the fish scattered in the blue sea.4
A life so begun comes rapidly to its crisis. Manas, after his
portentous start, soon moves to a life of action. At ten he shoots
an arrow as well as a boy of fourteen, and soon afterwards he is a
full-fledged warrior :
When he grew to be a prince, he overthrew princely dwellings ;
Sixty stallions, a hundred three-year-old foals
He drove thither from Kokand ;
Eighty young mares, a thousand kymkar
He brought from Bokhara ;
The Chinese settled in Kashgar
He drove away to Turfan ;
The Chinese settled in Turfan
He drove yet farther to Aksu.s
1 David Sasunskii, p. 142. z Ibid. p. 15 ff.
3 Legrand, p. 187. 4 Gilferding, ii, p. 172.
5 Radlov, v, p. 6 ; a " kymkar " must be some kind of horse.
96
THE HERO
At fifteen the Armenian Mher strangles a lion with his own hands ; ]
at sixteen the Kalmuck Dzhangar steals the horses of an enemy ; 2
at fourteen the Uzbek Alpamys invades the country of the Kal-
mucks.3 The hero breaks records from the start and is a fully-
grown man when others are still boys.
The hero possesses those gifts of body and character which
bring success in action and are admired for that reason. He may
be strong or swift or enduring or resourceful or eloquent. Not all
heroes possess the whole gamut of these qualities but all have
some portion of them, and what matters is less their range of gifts,
than the degree in which they have one or other of them. A hero
differs from other men by his peculiar force and energy. Just as
the Greeks define him as one who has a special St'm/u? or power,
so in all countries he has an abundant, overflowing, assertive force,
which expresses itself in action, especially in violent action, and
enables him to do what is beyond ordinary mortals. This is
commonly displayed in battle, because battle provides the most
searching tests not merely of strength and courage but of resource
and decision. The greatest heroes are primarily men of war.
But even in battle what really counts is the heroic force, the
assertive spirit which inspires a man to take prodigious risks and
enables him to surmount them successfully or at least to fail with
glorious distinction. Their peculiar drive and vigour explains
why heroes are often compared to wild animals, as, for instance,
the Uzbek warriors are compared to lions, tigers, bears, leopards,
wolves, and hyenas,4 or Homeric warriors are compared to
vultures, lions, boars, and the like, while Achilles himself is like
some irresistible power of nature, compared in turn to a river
in spate, a flaming star, a vulture swooping on its prey, a fire
burning a wood or a city, an eagle dropping to seize a lamb or a
kid. Hector knows what this power means, when he decides to
fight him :
" Him will I face in the fight, though his hands are as fire that
consumeth,
Hands are as fire that consumeth, his might like glittering iron.'* s
This is the essential hero in his irresistible onslaught and power
to destroy.
These qualities are seen at their keenest when a hero's temper
is high and his thoughts turn to prowess. The mere prospect of a
fight is enough to inflame his passions and make him burn for
1 David Sasunskii, p. 107 ff. * Zhirmunskii-Zarifov, p. 321.
3 Idem, p. 323. 4 Idem, p. 306. 5 //. xx, 371-2.
97
HEROIC POETRY
action, as the Serb hero, Milos Stoidevic, does when he goes out
to fight the Moslems :
" I am going as my war-horse wishes !
For my steed is thirsting for the struggle,
And in my right arm the strength is welling,
Gladly would it sport awhile with Moslems ;
At my belt my sword for blood is thirsting,
It is thirsting for the blood of heroes ;
I must quench the deep thirst of my sabre,
Quench it with the blood of Turkish heroes." *
The same spirit is present even in the Kalevala, though it is
displayed in Kullervo, whom the poets despise. When he sets out
for war, he exults in anticipation of it :
" If I perish in the battle,
Sinking on the field of battle,
Fine mid clash of swords to perish,
Exquisite the battle-fever." 2
When a fight begins, heroes deliver blows with astounding force
and an almost delirious delight. The friendship of Gilgamish and
Enkidu begins with a tremendous struggle between them in which
each shows a prodigious energy :
Enkidu barred the door with his foot,
He would not allow entry to Gilgamish.
They grappled and snorted like bulls ;
The threshold was shattered, the wall quivered,
As Gilgamish and Enkidu grappled, snorting like bulls,
The threshold was shattered, the wall quivered.3
When Roland sees the Saracens before him, he becomes like a wild
beast :
When Roland sees that now must be combat,
More fierce he's found than lion or leopard.*
Such a spirit can spread to a whole company when the call is
strong enough and a desperate situation calls for desperate courage.
So the Greeks fought at Missolonghi when it was besieged by the
Turks in 1822 :
The mariners are fighting with cannons and blunderbuses,
The others have unsheathed their swords and fight with naked iron,
The merchants and the artisans are fighting like mad serpents,
They fire their rifles fearfully, they're armed with long sharp daggers.
1 Karadzic, iv, p. 200. Trs. W. A. Morison.
2 Kalevala, xxxvi, 28-32. 3 Gilgamish, n, vi, 10-15.
4 Roland, mo-ii.
THE HERO
Never a thought they give to death, they hurl themselves like lions,
They cry and call upon the Turks and mock at them with laughter,
They only wait for help to come to fall on them and break them.1
The vitality of heroes sharpens their lust for battle and turns into
a superhuman fury and frenzy.
The power which heroes display in action can be felt in their
mere presence. When they appear, other men know them for
superior beings and wonder who they are. So when the Uzbek
hero, Alpamys, first meets the Kalmuck, Karadzhan, who is to
become his devoted friend, Karadzhan says :
" Your beauty is like the moon in the skies,
Your brows 1 compare to a bent bow,
In shape you are like a grey-blue hawk,
As you sit there, loosening your reins, you are like a lord who
has countless sheep.
Beautiful lord, whither are you going ?
From what rare diamond were you fashioned ?
Such a warrior as you could not be born from a human mother.
From what nest did you wend your flight ? " 2
Alpamys belongs to the class of heroes, like Achilles and Sigurth,
who are eminent for their beauty. But beauty is not necessary to
heroes. . It is not attributed to Roland or Beowulf or Manas.
Some heroes, like Odysseus, may be undeniably fascinating but
short in stature and stout in build. A hero's appearance reveals
his essential superiority and difference from other men. There is
something about it which reveals unusually strong fires within.
Divine blood may sometimes help, but it too is not essential. It
is their superabundance of life which marks heroes out as it
shines from their eyes or betrays itself in their gestures or their
voices. So the Kalmuck poet describes Dzhangar :
His moustaches are almost like eagles' wings,
The look of his black magical eyes
Is that of a gerfalcon ready to pounce.3
The Kara-Kirghiz Manas is of the same breed and strikes equal awe
when his passions are aroused :
The look changed on Manas' face.
In his eyes a furnace blazed.
A living dragon it was. . . .
His look was like the midnight's look,
Angry as a cloudy day. 4
1 Legrand, p. 130. 2 Zhirmunskii-Zarifov, p. 309.
3 Dzhangariada, p. 97. Manas, p. 54.
99
HEROIC POETRY
Sometimes a fearful appearance is combined with a voice whose
tones strike silence and dismay. When Ivan the Terrible is
enjoying himself at a banquet, his actions are formidable in their
very triviality :
The terrible Tsar, Ivan Vasilevich, was making merry,
He walked through his apartments,
He looked through his glazed window,
He combed his black curls with a small-toothed comb.
When he opens his mouth and announces that in all his realm
there are no more traitors, the effect is appalling :
Then they trembled before him,
His subjects were terrified,
They could not think of an answer.
The taller of them hid behind the smaller,
And the smaller for their part were speechless.1
Against this modest, untutored effect we may set the magnificent
scene in the Iliad when Achilles, having decided to go back to
battle, stands on the rampart and raises his battle-cry three times :
Then were the chariot-drivers astounded, who saw the unwearied
Flame burn over the head of Peleus' son, the great-hearted,
Terribly, for it was lit by the grey-eyed goddess Athene.
Three times over the rampart Achilles shouted his war-cry,
Three times Trojans and allies were sheer amazed and confounded.
There and then were destroyed twelve men, most noble of Trojans,
Mid their chariots and spears.2
The fear and destruction caused by the mere sight of Achilles and
the sound of his voice are a sign of the tremendous force in him.
Though physical strength is an essential part of a hero's endow-
ment, he is no animal or devoid of wits. On the contrary, since
wits are another sign that he surpasses other men, there is nothing
discreditable in their use to secure some glorious end. Though
direct action might be more impressive, there are many occasions
when it is impossible. At the lowest level it might be argued that
since the hero's chief aim is to exert his own will and get what
he wants there is no reason why he should not use guile. When
Manas fights Er Kokcho, he wins the first round in a wrestling
match ; then Er Kokcho proposes a firing of flint-locks, and Manas
misses him, while Er Kokcho hits Manas, who flies away wounded
on his horse. When Er Kokcho chivalrously tries to heal Manas'
wound, Manas turns and kills his opponent's horse.3 This is not
fair play, but is accepted on the principle that all is permissible
1 Kireevski, vi, p. 55 ; Chadwick, R.H.P. p. 194.
2 //. xviii, 225-31. 3 Radlov, v, p. 72.
100
THE HERO
in war. In fact there may be behind it another assumption, that a
hero like Manas is so great that he is entitled to exert his powers
as he chooses. There are other cases of this kind, notably Mher
the Younger in Armenia, but they are not common and certainly
not the general rule. Normally, when the hero uses guile, he
does so because it is quite as dangerous as force and is, in the
given conditions, the only possible means of action.
Craft and stratagem have their own dangers, as Abu Zeyd, the
hero of The Stealing of the Mare, illustrates in a high degree.
He is a formidable man of action, whom no one can withstand in
open fight, but for this particular task, the theft of a carefully
guarded mare, craft is the only possible means, and justifiable
because the undertaking is extremely hazardous and discovery
means death. Abu Zeyd enters into his plot with all the bold
spirit and love of adventure which he shows on the battlefield,
and the high level of his cunning is merely another example of
his heroic superiority. The same may be said of Alaman Bet's
brilliant adventure at the house of the sorceress Kanyshai. When
he disguises himself as a Chinese and walks boldly into her
quarters in the middle of a feast, he is alone and a stranger, but
he succeeds by the very effrontery of his stratagem. No doubt
the same would be true of the lost Greek poem which told how
Odysseus disguised himself as a beggar and went into Troy as a
spy ; and even the inmates of the Wooden Horse, with all their
ingenuity and cunning, did not lack a great element of courage
in being willing to risk their lives if they were discovered in the
city of their enemies. Perhaps the most authentic heroes are
above even stratagems so dangerous as these. We somehow can-
not imagine that they would appeal to Achilles or Gilgamish or
Sigurth or Roland. But the men who practise them are warriors
of high eminence, who resort to guile because they must. Even so
their courage is needed throughout.
Of heroes famed for resource Odysseus is the most complete.
He too is a great warrior and leader, who uses cunning to get
himself out of difficulties into which his headstrong taste for
adventure has led him. The classical case of his resourcefulness
is his handling of the Cyclops. The one-eyed giant who holds
Odysseus in his cave and then decides to eat him is an opponent
against whom any stratagem is fair, but Odysseus' predicament is
the fruit of his insatiable curiosity and desire for new experiences.
There is no need to enter the cave, but Odysseus wishes to know
who lives in it on the lonely island, and hopes for a gift from the
owner. Once caught, he shows the full range of his talents, and
TOI
HEROIC POETRY
his escape is a masterpiece of imaginative improvisation. It is
interesting to compare Homer's version of Odysseus and the
Cyclops with Ossete stories of Uryzmag and the one-eyed giant,
which have much in common with it. The Ossete hero is trapped
for reasons which do him nothing but credit. He has gone out in
search of food for the Narts, who are suffering from famine, and
finds the giant pasturing his flock. Uryzmag lays hold of the
ram, but it makes off with him to the giant, who puts him in a
bag and takes him into the cave.1 In another version the Narts
boast against each other about which of them is bravest, and the
result is that Uryzmag attacks the giant's flock and follows it
into the cave.2 In both versions Uryzmag behaves in a heroic
manner for noble reasons, but his motives are simpler than those
of Odysseus and his fate is less intimately connected with his
character. Once in the cave, he acts much as Odysseus does and
is fully entitled to honour for extracting himself from a desperate
situation.
Though most heroes are moved by similar motives and act in
similar fashion, there is much variety in the ends to which their
actions are devoted. Though the hero's first and most natural
need is to display his prowess and win the glory which he feels
to be his right, he is ready to do so for some cause which does
not immediately concern his personal interest but attracts him
because it gives him a chance to show his worth. This cause
need not be very concrete. Indeed with some of the greatest
heroes it is simply an ideal of manhood and prowess to which he
feels that he must devote his life. This is what guides Sigurth.
Though he is bound by ties of loyalty to Gunnar and serves him
honourably, the centre of his being is the conception of manhood
which Gripir prophesies to him :
" With baseness never thy life is burdened,
Hero noble, hold that sure ;
Lofty as long as the world shall live,
Battle-bringer, thy name shall be." 3
Sigurth accepts this destiny and acts upon it. He follows his
instinctive ambition to be a great warrior. When he kills Fafnir,
he tells the dying monster why he has done so — it is a need to
show his prowess :
" My heart did drive me, my hand fulfilled,
And my shining sword so sharp. "*•
1 Dum£zil, p. 44. 2 Dynnik, p. 13 ff.
3 Gripisspd, 23. 4 Fafntsmal, 6, 1-2.
IO2
THE HERO
This desire for prowess is combined with other noble qualities,
which Gripir also foretells :
" Free of gold-giving, slow to flee,
Noble to see, and sage in speech." !
But the root of Sigurth's heroic nature is his unquestioning, un-
faltering desire to prove his worth to the utmost limits of his
capacity.
Achilles belongs to the same class. Though he plays the
chief part in the Trojan War, which is fought to win back for
Menelaus the wife whom Paris has abducted, this cause means
little to Achilles. When Agamemnon's envoys ask him to return
to the fight, he refuses, and one of his reasons is that he does not
see why he should risk his life for another man's wife. Then he
reveals his true thoughts. His mother has told him that he has a
choice of two destinies : he can either stay at Troy and win ever-
lasting renown, or go home to a long and inglorious old age.2
For the moment he hesitates, but in the end he chooses the first
course and follows the promptings of his heroic nature which
regards glory as the right aim for such a man as himself. In so
doing he obeys the advice which his father once gave him :
Ever to seek to be best and surpass all others in action.3
It is true that, when Achilles goes back to the battle, his upper-
most desire is to avenge the death of Patroclus, but even so his
heroic nature asserts itself, and his desire for vengeance is tran-
scended in his desire for glory as he exercises his physical gifts
and tastes the joys of battle and victory. He slays his opponents
with a triumphant pride and mockingly tells them that he is a
better man than they. As he makes his bloody progress, and his
chariot-wheels are bespattered with blood, there is no doubt what
weighs most with him, since the poet says that " the son of Peleus
sought to win glory ".4 Like Sigurth, Achilles is inspired by an
ideal of manhood which he thinks that he can realise to a unique
degree, and though he has other gifts of counsel, courtesy, and
eloquence, they are secondary to his essential and dominating
desire to be a great warrior.
The desire for prowess as an end in itself may be illustrated
by a remarkable Ossete poem about the hero Batradz, who is so
eager to be the ideal and perfect warrior that he applies on a
strange errand to the divine smith Kurdalagon, who is a kind of
1 Gripisspd, 7, 3-4- ~ ^- ix» 4IG ff-
3 Ibid, xi, 784. 4 Ibid, xx, 502.
103 H
HEROIC POETRY
counterpart to Hephaestus. The poem begins by showing what
kind of hero Batradz is and what his ambitions are :
Once Batradz fell strongly a-thinking :
" I have strength, but I have need of more,
And not such as with ill luck a strong man will overcome.
Come, it is better, I will go to the sky,
I will ascend the sky, go straight to Kurdalagon,
I will beseech him to temper me ! "
He went to the sky, straight to Kurdalagon.
To him Batradz goes, to the heavenly forge.
" Heavenly smith, smith Kurdalagon !
Cast me on the furnace, temper me on the forge ! "
" Think not of it, and dare not to desire it ;
You will burn up, my Sun, and I have pity for you ;
Much delight, young man, have you already given me/'
" No. Such is my need, O smith Kurdalagon !
I beseech you with a great prayer.
Temper me on the heavenly forge ! "
The smith agrees, and for the first month heats the coals, for the
second the sand of the river. Then he beats Batradz on the
anvil for a month, and at the end of it thinks that he must be
entirely shrivelled up, but Batradz says to him :
" Your fire has not melted me even a little !
What game are you playing with me, smith Kurdalagon ?
It is dull alone in the oven with nothing to do ;
Give me a lyre, to amuse myself with ! "
Kurdalagon gives him the lyre, heaps up the coal, and sets to
work, but still Batradz remains intact. So the tempering begins
again, and when Kurdalagon takes another look, Batradz calls out :
" At last you have tempered me ! How uselessly
you continue !
Take me quickly, cast me into the sea ! "
And the heavenly smith takes his pincers,
With the pincers he takes the Nart by his knees,
Cast him at once into the blue sea.
The sea foamed and hissed and bubbled,
And the sea's water all vanished in steam,
The sea became dry that very day.
So the body of Batradz was tempered,
His body turned to blue steel.
Only his liver remained untempered :
No water touched it, all vanished in steam.
When steel Batradz came out of the sea,
Then was the sea filled again with water.1
1 Dynnik, p. 33 ff.
104
THE HERO
Achilles, according to Greek legend, was made proof against
weapons when his mother dipped him in fire l or ambrosia 2 or the
river Styx 3 ; Batradz makes himself proof by a more exacting and
more original method when he hands himself over for treatment
by the divine smith.
Heroism for its own sake is perhaps exceptional. More
commonly heroes devote their talents to some concrete cause
which provides scope for action and an end to which they can
direct their efforts. The hero is usually a leader of men and feels
an obligation towards those under his command. It is therefore
surprising that the kings of heroic story are often hardly heroic
in the full sense. They seem so burdened with responsibilities
and anxieties that they cannot display a full measure of individual
prowess, Homer's Agamemnon, Hrothgar in Beowulf, Charle-
magne in Roland, and Gunnar in the Elder Edda are impressive
figures but lack the four-square heroism of their subordinates,
Achilles, Beowulf, Roland, and Sigurth.\ The mere fact of being
a king sometimes detracts from a man's heroic performance. His
duties prevent him from giving all his attention to warlike exploits ;
he is so occupied with ruling that he must leave the greatest
opportunities to others. He may even be prevented by age from
acting as he would have done in youth., Of course, when occasion
calls, Agamemnon and Charlemagne show their worth in battle,
while Gunnar's last hours in Atli's halls are in the highest heroic
tradition. On the other hand among Asiatic peoples the king is
often the greatest warrior of all, the man who displays in himself
all the finest qualities of his people. So Manas, Dzhangar, and
Alpamys stand respectively for all that is best in the Kara-
Kirghiz, Kalmucks, and Uzbeks. In the great war against the
Chinese, it is Manas who in the end takes the lead and attacks the
most formidable opponents ; when Dzhangar's lands are invaded
in his absence by an enemy, he is foremost in reconquering them ;
Alpamys wins his first fame by leading his people against the
Kalmucks. Such kings belong to a more primitive level of
society than their European counterparts, and that is perhaps
why they are allowed to exert their heroic natures to the full.
There are, however, occasions even in Europe when the king
becomes the champion of his people and exerts his heroic powers
for it. [Though in early life Beowulf kills Grendel from motives of
pure heroism, in old age he fights the dragon in a different spirit,
to save his people from a deadly pest. He agrees at once to their
1 Schol. //. xvi, 37. _ 2 Ap. Rhod. iv, 869.
3 Quint. Smyrn. iii, 62.
105
HEROIC POETRY
appeal for help and insists on fighting the monster alone. It is
his last fight, and he dies from wounds received in it. That is why
his subjects lament him as they do :
So grieved and plained the Geatish people
For their Lord's fall, his hearth -fellows ;
They said that he was a World-King,
Of men the mildest and to men kindest,
To his people most pleasant and for praise most eager.
Another king who gives his life for his people is the Serb, Tsar
Lazar, who is killed fighting the Turks at Kosovo. It is he who
takes the decision to fight, calls on every Serb to join his army,
gives a banquet on the eve of the battle, and dies bravely in the
struggle. His national importance is recognised after his death,
when his headless body lies uncorrupted on the field of Kosovo
for forty years :
Pecked not by the eagles and the ravens,
Trampled not by horses or by heroes,2
until the head is miraculously joined to it and the remains put in
a shrine. In Tsar Lazar the Serbs have a type of their own
sufferings and sacrifices, and for this reason he has a special place
in their national poetry.
If kings do not often hold pride of place, their followers and
liegemen do, and there are many notable examples of men who
perform heroic actions out of loyalty to a suzerain or sovereign.
Though Charlemagne cuts no great figure in Roland, he commands
astonishing loyalty and receives wonderful service. Though
Roland does not shrink from disputing the Emperor's decisions
in council, in the end he obeys them, notably when he is told to
command the rear-guard of the army, though he knows that this
is due to Ganelon's plot to encompass his death. When he first
receives the orders, he bursts out in anger, but he accepts them
none the less. Once he has undertaken the task, honour forbids
him to ask for help, and that is why he refuses to blow his horn.
He feels that such an action would be to betray his overlord's
trust in him :
" A thousand score stout men he set apart,
And well he knows, not one will prove coward.
Man for his lord should suffer with good heart,
Of bitter cold and great heat bear the smart,
His blood let drain, and all his flesh be scarred."3
1 Beowulf, 3178-82. 2 Karadzic, ii, p. 296.
3 Roland, 1115-19.
1 06
THE HERO
This of course is the spirit of chivalry as the twelfth century
conceived it. Roland must act in a truly feudal spirit to his
overlord, but that does not prevent him from being a complete
hero.
The relative positions of suzerain and hero can produce their
own drama of personal relations. In the Kara-Kirghiz poems a
special interest attaches to the friendship between the great prince,
Manas, and his subordinate, Alaman Bet. Alaman Bet is by
origin a Kalmuck or a Chinese. He attaches himself to Manas
because a previous attempt to serve the Uigur prince, Er Kokcho,
has failed through the envy of his colleagues.1 He chooses Manas
for no better reason than to find a career of adventure, but, once
his choice is made, he does his duty with such loyalty that he has
a very special place in Manas' regard and affection. The degree
of Manas' trust in him is showrn by what Manas says to his captains
before the start of the great expedition :
" To Alaman Bet alone is known
The distant road to China.
Let him be our guide,
Let him enable us to look
On China, though it be with only one eye.
If he falls into a lake,
We shall float across the lake after him !
If he moves in circles,
In circles we shall go after him ;
If he hurls himself on the wind,
On the wind we shall fly after him.
If he bristles with wild beasts,
We shall join our spears after him ;
If suddenly he feels sorrow,
Then we shall lament with him." 2
Alaman Bet is a notable example of the heroic subordinate who
shapes his life in the service of a master and is rewarded by the
trust in which he is held.
• Another cause which a hero may serve is religion. The heroic
temper might not at first sight seem to be perfectly attuned to
the self-sacrificing ideals of Christianity and Buddhism, but in
practice no difficulty arisesy Roland is set in a war between the
Christian paladins of Charlemagne and the infidel Saracens. The
Christian spirit is often present and does much for the action.
The Christians fight to convert the infidels, and Charlemagne
insists on the baptism of the captured and the conquered. He
celebrates Mass and Matins in his camp, and, when he takes the
1 Radlov, v, p. 32 ff. ; cf. p. 515. 2 Manas, p. 83.
107
HEROIC POETRY
field to avenge Roland's death, God shows His favour by stopping
the sun in its course. This faith is woven into the heroic scheme
without any great strain. The Christians despise and hate the
infidels for their worship of false gods and their lack of chivalry
and honour. The struggle is presented as between right and
wrong, truth and falsehood, and this gives an emphatic character
to the issues at stake. It is therefore appropriate that, when the
Saracens are defeated, they should turn on their own gods and
curse them as useless and unrewarding, and on the other hand
that the Christians should be confident that to die for their cause
is to win Paradise. The Archbishop, Turpin, has no doubts
about the worthiness of the issue and, before the battle begins,
tells the host :
" My lords barons, Charles left us here for this ;
He is our King, well may we die for him :
To Christendom good service offering.
Battle you'll have, you all are bound to it,
For with your eyes you see the Sarrazins.
Pray for God's grace, confessing Him your sins !
For your souls' health I'll absolution give ;
So, though you die, blest martyrs shall you live,
Thrones you shall win in the great Paradis." l
He then gives absolution and benediction, and the fight begins.
Later, when Roland is stricken to death, he confesses his sins and
is carried by angels to Paradise, thus reaping the reward which he
has himself asked for the dead on the mountain-side :
" Lords and Barons, may God to you be kind !
And all your souls redeem for Paradise !
And let you there mid holy flowers lie ! " 2
The scheme is clear and simple and fits well into the cult of
honour. Roland seeks always to display his valour because he is
confident that he acts in the holiest of causes and that the glory
which he desires will be found not merely in the memories of
men but in heaven.
No other religion informs its poetry with so complete a
scheme as this, but there are times when Islam does something
like it. The Kara-Kirghiz heroes are Mohammedans and proud
of it. It is true that they seem to have been recently converted,
since an echo of this survives in reference to the Uigur prince,
Er Kokcho :
Who opened the doors of Paradise,
Who opened the closed doors of the bazaars. 3
1 Roland, 1127-35. * Ibid. 1854-6. 3 Radlov, v, p. 18.
108
THE HERO
But, like other converts, the Kara- Kirghiz feel some contempt for
those who do not share their spiritual advantages. It is true that
they disobey the Prophet to the extent of drinking brandy on
many suitable occasions, but their own laxity does not affect their
habitual reference to Buddhists and others as " unclean " or their
shocked disapproval of the Kalmucks as men " who cut up pork
and tie it on saddles ". That there is a basis of religious experi-
ence behind this faith is clear enough from Orozbakov's account
of the vision of Paradise which Alaman Bet learns from his mother.1
It is of course a place of material and sensual joys, but none the
less, the poet implies, worth winning, and indeed Alaman Bet is
converted to Islam by the prospect of it. But on the whole the
Mohammedan faith of the Kara- Kirghiz has little of the crusading
zeal which we find in the Christian paladins of Roland. It is
largely a national and racial affair. Though Alaman Bet tactfully
murmurs the word " Islam " as soon as he is born and early
embraces the faith, he does not feel perfectly at home among the
Kara-Kirghiz, since he is by birth a Chinese, and complains to
Manas :
" Those who are born of Kirghiz blood
Cast reproaches at me because
I am born of a Chinese stock.
They say : ' You are a Kalmuck, you,
You are not truly one of us ;
No true believer gives to you
The lofty rights that we possess.
You have the same rights as a slave,
You're not our brother, despised slave,
You are a heathen, hypocrite ! '
Such the abuse they cast on me." 2
In effect the Kara-Kirghiz believe that, because they are Moham-
medans, they are more civilised and more heroic than Buddhists
or idolaters and belong to a superior order of manhood.
On the other hand, though the Kara- Kirghiz identify their
religion with their national pride, they are more tolerant of other
faiths than are the Christians of Roland. In time of peace they
invite Kalmucks and heathen Kara-Nogai to their festivals, and at
the feast of Bok-Murun both parties mix in a friendly spirit, though
it is assumed to be right and proper that in the games the Kara-
Kirghiz should win all the events. So too in war, though the
struggle may be indeed bloody, the Kara- Kirghiz respect their
enemies, and the poets present them in an almost heroic light.
It is true that they use magic to protect themselves, which the
1 Manas, p. 94. 2 Ibid. p. 197.
109
HEROIC POETRY
Kara-Kirghiz themselves do not, and that some of their leading
figures are of monstrous size and shape. None the less it takes
all the efforts of the Kara- Kirghiz to defeat Mahdi-Khan and
Kongyr Bai. Moreover the poets give to these alien chieftains
sentiments which would sound well on the lips of any Kara-
Kirghiz. Though Kongyr Bai may begin by claiming that he is
safe from attack because of his magical protections :
" No sword frightens us,
And nothing terrifies us.
My country is my shield,
My mountain is my defence.
Live ; be not afraid of destruction :
Meet your death-hour in your beds 'V
yet when real danger faces him, he rises to the occasion and tells
his followers :
" If death is our fate, we shall die.
We are not at all afraid of death !
Did you come here only to have a look ?
Only to scare the foe with your numbers ? " 2
The Kara- Kirghiz must have adversaries worthy of them such as
the Chinese in fact are. It is therefore intelligible that the most
distinguished warrior in the Kara-Kirghiz army, Alaman Bet, is
by origin a Chinese.
The Kalmucks, whom the Kara- Kirghiz fight and despise as
unbelievers, are Buddhists, and the spirits and saints of Buddhism
receive more attention in the Kalmuck poems than do the Christian
saints in Roland. They take no part in the action, but their
presence in the background is emphasised at some length, and the
poems usually begin with a tribute to the visible tokens of their
power in Dzhangar's mountainous realm. The poet insists that the
faith and religious standing of the Kalmucks is beyond reproach :
The four seas of Shartak are theirs,
Four yellow shrines are theirs,
A lama is theirs,
A manifest Buddha incarnate.
The Buddha's blessings are theirs.3
Of this faith Dzhangar is the representative and the champion :
He affirmed the universal rule like a rock,
He rejoiced radiant with the Buddhist faith like a sun .4
1 Manas, p. 248. 2 Ibid. p. 334.
3 Dzhangariada, p. 95. 4 Ibid. p. 142.
110
THE HERO
One incarnation of the Buddha has breathed on his cheek;
another watches over him as he sleeps.1 A special lama looks
after him :
The lama Alisha watches and protects his arms and legs,
His pure beautiful breast,
His heart like a young moon,
The red thread of his life.2
Inspired by an exclusive confidence, Dzhangaf and his com-
panions are in every way convinced that they have divine support
and that their war against the vampire people of the Mangus is a
war between those whom the gods love and those whom the gods
hate. But, though the Kalmuck heroes regard themselves as
chosen instruments of heaven, they are recognisably human and
act as heroes usually do, following their desire for glory in a
familiar way. Like the Kara- Kirghiz they have so strong a faith
that they do not need magic but are able to get what they want
by force of arms. Their religion gives them an inspiring purpose
in battle, but they are primarily moved by the desire for glory.
What religion does in these cases is done more often and
more easily by love of country. In many cases this is almost
unconscious, and rises to the surface only when it is challenged.
So the Uzbek hero, Yusuf, tells an enemy what his country means
to him :
" Our country is a good country.
The winters in it are like spring.
Gardeners watch over its gardens,
And its trees are rich with fruit.
Its old women rest in white carts,
But the young busy themselves as they will.
Maidens and youths are constant in love,
Their time is filled with joy and delights." 3
Another hero says :
" My country is my life,
My country is my soul." 4
Such feelings are common enough, and it is only natural that at
times heroes should share them and fight for them. He who
fights and dies for his country is known to Homer and portrayed
in the Iliad, not indeed among the Achaeans, who fight to get
back Menelaus' wife from Paris, but among the Trojans, who
fight to defend their city and their homes. Hector is the earliest
hero who exerts all his powers on behalf of his country. When
1 Ibid. p. 96. 2 Ibid. p. 146.
3 Zhirmunskii-Zarifov, p. 317. 4 Idem, p. 317.
Ill
HEROIC POETRY
the seer Polydamas tells him that the omens are hostile, Hector
defies them and says :
" Only one omen is best, to fight in defence of your country." I
Later, when his men are discouraged and seem likely to abandon
the struggle, Hector appeals to them in the language of pure
patriotism :
" All of you, keep to the fight by the ships, and if any among you,
Struck by a javelin or spear, get his end of doom and destruction,
So let him die. No dishonour is it to fall for his country,
Leaving behind him his wife and his children alive and uninjured,
Leaving his home and possessions unharmed, so be the Achaeans
Sail away hence on ships to the much loved land which begat
them." 2
Hector thinks not so much of glory as of home and family and city.
In his heart he knows that Troy will fall, but none the less he is
ready to do all that he can to avert or postpone the evil day. He
acts like a hero and has a glorious triumph when he comes near
to burning the Achaean ships. But he hardly thinks of displaying
his personal prowess. In many ways the most human and most
attractive figure in the Iliad, he is not its chief hero. Homer draws
a contrast between him and Achilles, between the human champion
of hearth and home and the half-divine hero who has very few
ties or loyalties. Perhaps in Hector we may see the emergence of
a new ideal of manhood, of the conception that a man fulfils him-
self better in the service of his city than in the satisfaction of his
own honour, and in that case Hector stands on the boundary
between the heroic world and the city-state which replaced it. Yet
Hector has much of the attractiveness and nobility which belong
to the true hero. Inferior as he is to Achilles in strength and
speed, he is a formidable warrior who is carried on by his impetu-
ous might. In him love of country is the driving motive, but
through it he realises a destiny which is certainly heroic.
A hero, conceived as Hector is, is the representative of his
people, their spokesman and their exemplar. From this it is no
long step to finding a hero not in a great prince or leader but in
some less eminent person who has his great hour in a crisis, or in a
group of persons who show their worth when their country is in
peril. Such is the case with the Anglo-Saxon Maldon, in which
perhaps the chief character and in some sense the hero is Byrhtnoth.
It is he who gives the first defiant answer to the Viking invaders
and in so doing speaks for his king and country :
1 //. xii, 243. 2 Ibid, xv, 494-9.
112
THE HERO
" Seamen's messenger, take word to thy masters,
Tell to thy people more hateful tidings,
That here stands a noble earl with his soldiers,
Who will dare to stand in defence of this land,
Land of Aethelred, lord and master,
Its people and soil." l
When Byrhtnoth is killed, his comrades maintain his defiant spirit
and show themselves worthy of him. Aelfwine appeals to the
men to fight on for the sake of their dead lord and to justify
boasts made in the past :
" Remember what time at the mead we talked
When on the benches our boasts we made,
Heroes in hall of the hard encounter ;
Now may be kenned whose courage avails."2
In turn different warriors, Offa, Lcofsunu, and Dunnere, give
support to this call, until the Old Companion, seeing that the fight
is now going against the English, speaks in the ultimate eloquence
of heroic resistance, as he calls for a last effort :
" Will shall be harder, heart the bolder,
Mood the more, as our might lessens." 3
In fighting for their country the men of Mahlon are moved by a
truly heroic spirit and act in accordance with its immemorial rules.
In them the group shows the old pride of the individual and
reveals that it knows what is expected of it in an hour of desperate
effort.
When a country is under foreign domination, there is a
tendency for every man to become a hero who resists or fights
the conquerors. This may be seen in more than one country
under the Turkish rule. Many Greek poems of the last two
centuries tell of otherwise obscure persons who have struck a blow
for their people against the foreign tyrants. There is the captain,
Malamos, who refuses at the last moment to make submission
to the Turks, because they are treacherous, and goes back to the
mountains.4 There is Xepateras, who fights alone and is threatened
by a whole army, but none the less refuses to submit and cuts off
the head of the Turk who asks him to.5 There is the captain,
Tsolkas, who for three days and three nights, without water or
food or help, fights his way through the Turkish lines.6 There
is Master John, of Crete, who raises a rebellion, but is captured
1 Maldon, 49-54. 2 Ibid. 211-15 ; cf. Beowulf, 2630 ff.
3 Maldon, 312-13. 4 Legrand, p. 80.
5 Idem, p. 84. 6 Idem, p. 88.
"3
HEROIC POETRY
by the Turks and thrown to the fishes.1 There is the mother of
the sons of Lazos who denounces her sons for leaving their strong-
hold in Olympus and says she will curse them if they join the
Turks.2 There is the patriarch Gregory who is hanged by
Turkish janissaries in front of his church.3 The episodes are small,
and the characters not too prominent, but a heroic air is given to
them by their participation in a great cause and their reckless
defiance of the Turks.
The Jugoslav poems on the resistance to the Turks present a
more varied scheme than the Greek both in temper and in episode.
There are times when this resistance takes on a truly heroic
character and every Serb becomes a hero. Such is the spirit of
the poems on Kosovo, and it is concentrated in the words which
King Lazar sends round when he summons his people to battle :
" He who is a Serb, with Serbian forebears,
And of Serbian blood and Serbian nurture,
And comes not to battle at Kosovo,
He shall ne'er be blessed with descendants,
With descendants, either male or female,
And beneath his hand shall nothing flourish,
Neither yellow wine nor waving cornfield :
Let him rot together with his children ! " 4
The call is answered on a wide scale and the Serbian people goes
to Kosovo, to be defeated and lose its independence. The heroes
go in the knowledge of what awaits them, but are not afraid of it.
Jugovicu Vojine represents a general view when he says :
" I must go to battle at Kosovo,
Shed my life-blood for the cross of glory,
Perish for my faith with all my brothers/' 5
This is the authentic spirit of Jugoslav heroism, but it is not its
only form. The poems on the revolt against the Turks in 1804-13
are on the surface less noble in that they speak less of sacrifice
and are less conscious of defeat and death. But they are none
the less heroic. The patriots fight gaily and gallantly for their
country, and the poems reflect their confidence and pride. In this
struggle, as at Kosovo, no single figure has a dominating position,
but heroism is shared by different characters who harass Turkish
governors or tax-collectors or janissaries ; the great events like the
battle of Deligrad or the taking of Belgrade are the work of many
men working together for a common end. This revolt too fails,
1 Legrand, p. 98 ff. 2 Idem, p. 116. 3 Idem, p. 124.
4 Karadzi^, ii, p. 271. Trs. W. A. Morison. 5 Idem, p. 264.
114
THE HERO
but this adds to the nobility of the great effort which has been
made for liberty. The poet records the end :
Then the Turks the land once more did conquer,
Evil deeds they did throughout the country ;
They enslaved the slim Sumadian women
And they slew the young men of Sumadija.
Had but one been there to stand and witness,
And to listen to the fearsome clamour,
How the wolves were howling in the mountains,
In the villages the Turks were singing ! l
The Jugoslav sense of heroism both glorifies any man who fights
for his country and gives him a tragic dignity because in the end
he fails.
Since the Jugoslavs have created this poetry of national
heroism, it is paradoxical that their chief hero should be Marko
Kraljevic, who is not of this breed, and whose patriotism has an
ambiguous quality. At least, he is in the Sultan's ^ervice. For
this there may be a historical justification, since in fact many
Jugoslav leaders found a living by giving their somewhat dubious
loyalty to the Commander of the Faithful. The poets accept the
fact and get over it as best they can by showing in what a jaunty,
independent spirit Marko treats his master. He disobeys his
orders about not drinking wine in Ramadan, cuts up janissaries,
persuades the Serbs not to pay taxes, and bullies the Sultan
himself. When Marko kills the Turk who has his father's sword,
he stalks fiercely into the presence of the Sultan, who has sum-
moned him, and says without fear :
" Yes, if God himself had giv'n the sabre
To the Sultan, I had slain the Sultan." 2
Marko appealed to a people under the Turkish yoke. The Serbs
had to find a way of life which did not detract too much from
their own honour, and created in him a man who accepted the
real situation and was yet able to maintain his style and freedom.
His life is not that of the single-minded, uncompromising hero,
but in the mixed world of Turkish Serbia he shows that love of
country still means something to the servant of an alien despot.
The hero who champions a people's rights has taken a new
form in modern times when the world " people " is used less of a
race or a nation than of the nameless masses who are helpless to
assert their rights without a leader. When such a leader appears,
he may in favourable circumstances take on the attributes of a
1 Karadzic^, iv, p. 269. Trs. W. A. Morison. 2 Idem, ii, p. 316.
"5
HEROIC POETRY
hero. In northern Russia the Revolution of 1917 has inspired
poems in which Lenin is a hero in this sense. In Marfa Kryukova's
Tale of Lenin the hard sardonic realist who created the Soviet
system has taken on many attributes of the traditional bogatyr.
The tale begins with the arrest and execution of Lenin's brother
for an attempt on the life of the Tsar Alexander III, and Lenin's
mother calls on her children to fight for their brother and " for
the truth, the people's truth ". Lenin promises to do so and
explains that he feels in himself the confidence to succeed :
" For I feel in me a great power :
Were that ring in an oaken pillar,
I'd wrench it out, myself with my comrades,
With that faithful bodyguard of mine —
I'd then turn about the whole damp mother earth !
Well am I trained in wise learning,
For I have read one magic little book,
Now I know where to find the ring,
Now I know how to turn about the whole earth,
The whole earth, our whole dear Russia." !
Kryukova writes in the traditional style and transforms her
modern themes into the accepted language of Russian poetry. So
here she uses an ancient theme from folk-lore, the magic ring
which gives wonderful powers, rather as the primitive giant
Svyatogor boasts :
" If I should take to walking on the earth,
I would fasten a ring to heaven,
I would bind an iron chain to the ring,
I would drag the sky down to mother earth,
1 would turn the earth on its end,
And I would confound earth with heaven ! " 2
Lenin's ring is more up-to-date. For he has learned about it
from a book, which is no other than Marx's Das Kapital. The
modern hero uses his own kind of magic. The ring is the symbol
of the strength which Lenin offers. So later in the poem, when
he returns to Russia for the Revolution, the ring again is
mentioned, and this time the people share his use of it :
The whole people gathered and thronged,
They all thronged and gathered,
Up to that marvellous pillar.
They gathered in a mighty force,
They laid hold of the little ring, the magic one,
Hard it was to wrench the little ring,
With stout force they wrenched it,
1 Kaun, p. 186. 2 Chadwick, R.H.P. p. 51.
116
THE HERO
Turned about the land of our glorious mother Russia,
To another side, the just side,
And took away the keys of little Russia
From those landlords, from factory owners.1
So far Lenin, the hero, relies largely on magic and is entitled to
do so because he has the knowledge and craftiness worthy of a hero.
Lenin is also a fighter. He has his own idea of the struggle
which awaits him :
" It will not be the honour of a man of prowess,
Nor a knight's glorious fame ;
To kill a Tsar is a small gain,
You kill one Tsar, and another Tsar rises.
We must fight, we must fight in another way —
Against all princes, against all nobles,
Against the whole order up to now ! " 2
So Lenin becomes the champion of the common people in a great
fight. Like other heroes he gathers his company or druzhina,
which consists of " factory workers " and " learned men " and
is a " great people's force ". Even when the people entrusts him
with the " golden keys of the whole land ", his efforts are not over.
After the Revolution comes the Civil War, and the attempt on
Lenin's life by " a fierce snake ". While Lenin is ill, his loyal
comrade, Stalin, " rises in the stirrups " and addresses the soldiers :
" Hey you fellow-soldiers of the Red Army,
Hey you famous factory workers,
Hey you peasants, tillers of black soil,
A time has come, a most hard time,
A time has come, a most warlike time,
We must gather our last strength,
With our valorous valour we must crush our enemies,
Crush our enemies, scatter all doers of evil." 3
Stalin's speech has the desired result. The Red soldiers hurl the
invading generals into various seas, swamps, and rivers. The
victory is won, and now Lenin dies. Physical nature weeps for
him, and the earth is soaked in the tears of his mourners. The
whole framework and style of the tale are traditional, but it suits
the stirring events of modern history. Lenin appears as the
champion of a people and acts as a champion should. His reward
is the glory which he wins after death.
The career of a hero needs, at least for artistic completeness,^
some kind of realisation. The efforts and the preparations must
1 Kaun, p. 188. 2 Idem, p. 186. 3 Idem, p. 189.
117
HEROIC POETRY
lead to an impressive end. Such an end is often a triumphant
success which shows the hero's worth and wins him his due of
glory. So the Kara-Kirghiz Manas ends with the capture of
Peking, and the Kalmuck poems with feasts to celebrate victories ;
so the Odyssey ends with Odysseus being reunited to his wife, the
Cid with the reinstatement of the hero in royal favour and the
marriage of his daughters to kings. Other poets seem to feel that
they must provide something more complete and final and that
the only right close is the end of the hero's life. So the Armenian
David is killed almost casually when drinking at a stream ; so
Beowulf exerts his strength for the last time in killing a dragon ~and
is himself killed. In such cases the death comes appropriately
without exciting any powerful emotions. In such a hero's life
there are no paradoxes ; he encounters difficulties and overcomes
them until his span is finished. Such a view concentrates on the
hero's powers and successes and raises no difficult questions about
his calling or his position in the scheme of human action. [
Not all heroes, however, are conceived in this way. Often
enough their careers seem to lead inevitably to disaster and to find
their culmination in it. When this happens, the story gains
greatly in depth and strength, since the hero who comes to such
an end seems in his last hours to be most truly himself and to
make his greatest efforts. His life, instead of ending quietly, ends
in a blaze of glory which illumines his whole achievement and
character. If he dies after a heroic struggle, he shows that, when
it comes to the final test, he is ready to sacrifice himself for his
ideal of manhood. Such deaths are naturally more moving and
more exalting than any quiet end, and it is not surprising that the
poets make much of them. Moreover they raise questions about
motives and standards of behaviour which increase the dramatic
reality of the story, and give the poet considerable opportunities
to present the kind of spiritual conflict which illustrates important
issues in the heroic outlook. On such occasions it is difficult to
escape from a sense of doom which will be fulfilled, whatever
human beings do to prevent it ; the hero, no less than other men,
must meet his destined end. So the story passes from the record
of bold achievements to something graver and grander and
suggests dark considerations about the place of man in the world
and the hopeless fight which he puts up against his doom.J Such
an outlook seems on the whole to exist mainly in aristocratic
societies, perhaps because they are not quite easy about the
heroic ideal and feel that, great though its rewards are, it demands
a price which is no less great, and that in the last resort the hero
118
THE HERO
fulfils his destiny by meeting his doom when circumstances arise
which he challenges but is unable to defeat.
This sense of doom is effectively displayed in the theme of the
disastrous choice, in which the hero is confronted by having to
choose between two courses, each of which is in some way evil.
He makes his decision, and whatever it is, it means disaster. The
Elder Edda gives good examples of this. When Gunnar believes
that his wife, Brynhild, has slept with Sigurth, he is torn between
two fearful alternatives : either he can do nothing, and in that
case he dishonours himself as a man and a husband, or he can
kill Sigurth, and in that case he breaks his faith to a devoted
friend. In the Short Lay of Sigurth the issue is perfectly clear.
Brynhild demands the death of Sigurth and says that otherwise
she will leave Gunnar. Gunnar consults Hogni and tells him
how much he loves Brynhild :
" More than all to me is Brynhild,
Buthli's child, the best of women ;
My very life would I sooner lose
Than yield the love of yonder maid." I
Though Hogni advises him to do nothing, Gunnar decides that
Sigurth must be killed and avoids the point of honour by getting
his brother, Gotthorm, to do it. The means are certainly question-
able, but Gunnar is in an impossible position. He believes, quite
wrongly since Sigurth is innocent, that he must avenge his wife's
honour if he is to keep her love, and in that case Sigurth must die.
In this moment Gunnar is the victim of doom, and Brynhild,
who is near to being a murderess, wins sympathy by her conception
of her own honour and by her decision to kill herself once she
has had her vengeance.
Guthrun is faced with a similar choice in Atlamdl and Atla-
kvitha. Despite many differences the two poems tell what is in
outline the same story. Guthrun is torn between two loyalties,
one to her husband, Atli, and the other to her brothers, whom
Atli kills. Since the Norse heroic world would recognise both
loyalties, the poets know that Guthrun has to make a terrible
choice. They tell that she decides to be loyal to her brothers
and kill her husband, but they explain her decision differently.
In Atlakvitha she kills Atli because he has violated his oath to his
guests and so set himself beyond any obligation which she may
feel to him. The point is not made very clearly, but Gunnar
foretells it before his death,2 and it can hardly be doubted. In
Atlamdl Guthrun is moved by the consideration that in the last
1 Sigurtharkvitha en Skamma, 15. 2 Atlakvitha, 32.
119 I
HEROIC POETRY
resort blood is thicker than any adopted tie and that she must
avenge her dead brothers. The poet dwells on Guthrun's feelings
and especially on her love for her brother Hogni. When she
hears of his death, she tells Atli that she cannot forgive him :
" Our childhood we had in a single house,
We played many a game, in the grove we grew ;
Then Grimhild gave us gold and necklaces ;
Thou shalt ne'er make amends for my brother's murder,
Nor ever shalt win me to think it was well." :
Guthrun makes her choice, which may well be right according to
her own code but is none the less ghastly.
Gunnar and Guthrun are moved largely by instinctive, un-
reasonable passion, he by love for Brynhild, she by feelings of
kinship. But there is another kind of choice which is made with
full knowledge and is none the less disastrous. The hero is
faced with alternatives which he weighs carefully, and chooses the
one which brings disaster. Many lands have a story of the father
who fights with his son. This is in any case a painful theme, but it
assumes a special grandeur in Hildebrand. Unfortunately the poem
is incomplete, and we do not know what the end was, but what
survives abounds in tragic possibilities. The old warrior, Hilde-
brand, has been an exile for thirty years when he meets in battle
a young man who prepares to fight him in single combat. This,
though Hildebrand does not know it, is his son Hadubrand.
Before beginning to fight, Hildebrand asks Hadubrand who he is
and finds out at once that it is his son. He begins to tell him the
truth :
" But High God knows in heaven above,
That thou never yet with such near kin man,
Hero brave, hast held thy parley ! "
He then unwinds a gold ring from his arm and offers it to Hadu-
brand with the words " In love now I give it thee ". But Hadu-
brand refuses it, because he thinks that his adversary is lying and
trying to trap him. Hildebrand is thus faced with a fearful choice.
He must either refuse battle and incur the charge of cowardice or
fight his own son. He decides on the second course, and his
words show what his motives are :
" Now my own sweet son with sword must hew me,
Fell me with falchion, or fall at my hands !
— Yet 'tis easily done, if thou doughty be,
From so old a man his arms to take,
To seize the spoil, if such strength be thine.
1 Atlamdl, 68.
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THE HERO
Most infamous were he of East Goth folk
Who should keep thee from combat so keenly desired,
From fight with foe ! Let the fated one try
Whether now his trappings be taken from him
Or both of these breast-plates he boasts as his own." l
Hildebrand decides to fight because he is a warrior who believes
that he cannot in honour refuse a challenge. We do not know how
the poem told the end of the story. In later versions, like the
fifteenth- century Der voter mit dem sun of Kasper von der Ron,2
and a broadsheet of 1515, 3 the end comes happily with the mutual
recognition of father and son. But it looks as if the Old German
poem ended with Hadubrand's death, since it is couched in a grim
and tragic tone, and such was the version known to Saxo Gram-
maticus.4 But in either case, whatever the sequel is, the choice
which Hildebrand has to face is indeed grave. Human affections
pull him in one direction, but honour forces him in another.
A special form of the disastrous choice can be seen in the
Jugoslav poem, The Fall of the Serbian Kingdom. The prophet
Elias comes to Tsar Lazar with a message from the Mother of
God which offers him a choice :
" Tsar Lazar, thou prince of noble lineage,
What wilt thou now choose to be thy kingdom ?
Say, dost thou desire a heavenly kingdom,
Or dost thou prefer an earthly kingdom ? " s
If Lazar takes the first alternative, he will be destroyed with his
army ; if the second, he will destroy the enemy. The choice is
difficult, especially for a hero, since the introduction of a celestial
reward puts his calculations out. The ordinary hero would
undoubtedly accept the second alternative, but, since Lazar is the
champion of the Christian Serbs against the infidel Turks, he
must in the end choose the first. In his situation this is the
heroic thing to do. It means his own death and the destruction
of his kingdom, but as a man of honour he must do the utmost
for his faith, and so he decides :
" If I now should choose an earthly kingdom,
Lo, an earthly kingdom is but fleeting,
But God's kingdom shall endure for ever." 6
Indeed in Lazar's choice we may with some reason detect a high
heroic pride, even though it is placed in a Christian setting. If a
1 Hildebrand, 53-62. 2 Henrici, Das deutsche Heldenbuch, p. 301 ff.
3 Von Liliencron, Deutsches Leben im Volkslied um 1530, p. 84 ff.
4 Holder, p. 244. 5 Karadzic, ii, p. 268. 6 Idem, p. 269.
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HEROIC POETRY
hero is offered a choice between victory and a magnificent disaster,
it is almost necessary for him to choose the disaster, since it
shows the degree of sacrifice which he is prepared to make.
Lazar's desire for a heavenly kingdom is essentially not very
different from the hope of Paradise which sustains Roland in his
last fight at Roncesvalles. The heroic spirit is easily attached to
great ideals of this kind but remains none the less heroic. The
poet, of course, approves Lazar's decision and gives a benediction
to it :
All was done with honour, all was holy,
God's will was fulfilled upon Kosovo.1
The identification of honour with God's will does not mean that
Lazar's sense of honour is not of the noblest and highest kind.
Though his position is unusual and outside the usual heroic way
of life, it enables him to behave in a way worthy of his position
and to fulfil his destiny with glory.
Different from the disastrous choice is the disastrous mistake.
There are many forms of this, and in all a decision is made wrongly
through some miscalculation or defect of character. The result is
always some catastrophe which might otherwise have been averted.
The usual cause of such decisions is the hero's pride which forbids
him to take any course which he thinks dishonourable or below
his dignity. His high spirit drives him on, and so, when disaster
follows, it seems inevitable and almost appropriate. Such is the
case in Maldon. The Vikings have landed their force on an island
in the river. Here they can do little harm, since their only way
out is across a causeway held by the English troops. When they
try to force a passage across it, they are easily stopped. The right
tactics would have been to keep the Vikings on the island until
they were forced to take to their ships or were all killed in efforts
to reach the mainland. But the heroic world does not act in this
way. The Vikings ask to be allowed to cross over and fight on the
mainland, and Byrhtnoth allows them to do so :
" Now is space yielded. Come with speed hither,
Warriors to battle. God alone wots
Who will hold fast in the field of battle." 2
The result is that the English lose the advantage of their position,
and are defeated and destroyed in the fight that follows on the
open land. Byrhtnoth's motives are not unlike Hildebrand's.
He feels that as a soldier he cannot refuse his opponent a chance to
fight, and the existing position seems likely to end in a stalemate.
Karadzic, ii, p. 270. z Maldon, 93-5.
122
THE HERO
But, unlike Hildebrand, he takes a wrong decision because he
allows his sense of honour to override his real duty. But he would
not be judged in this way. His end is glorious because he obeys
the dictates of heroic honour and prefers death to an inglorious
success.
A somewhat similar mistake is made by Roland in the beginning
of the fight at Roncesvalles. As a loyal liegeman of Charlemagne
he undertakes to command the rear-guard of the army, though he
knows that treachery is afoot and that his task is exceedingly
hazardous. So far he does what he must do, and no criticism is
permissible. But in so far as his task is to guard the rear, he
should take every thought to do it properly. When he takes up
his position, Roland sees the advancing hosts of Saracens and
knows that all his fears are confirmed. His comrade Oliver
grasps the realities of the situation and three times calls on Roland
to sound his horn ; for then Charlemagne will hear and come to
their help. But Roland refuses, and his words show his character
and motives :
" Never, by God," then answers him Rollanz,
" Shall it be said by any living man,
That for pagans I took my horn in hand !
Never by me shall he reproach my clan.
When I am come into the battle grand,
And blows lay on, by hundred, by thousand,
Of Durendai bloodied you'll see the brand.
Franks are good men ; like vassals brave they'll stand ;
Nay, Spanish men from death have no warrant." 1
Roland refuses because of his heroic pride. He is confident that
his strength of arm will do all that is needed, and this confidence
is an essential part of his character. Later, when he is wounded
to the point of death, he admits his mistake and sounds his horn,
but it is then too late to save himself or his companions. But
though Roland dies because of this mistake, no one would wish
it otherwise. The mistake is characteristic of him, and in making
it he is essentially himself, while his death is all the more glorious
because he has fought against tremendous odds.
Achilles is not a tragic hero in the same sense as Roland, but
over him too hangs a like sense of doom. He is fated to die young
and glorious and is fully conscious of his fate. He himself speaks
of it more than once and it is foretold to him by his own horse
and by the dying Hector.2 What makes it more poignant is that
in the short time before him he makes a great error in abstaining
1 Roland, 1073-81. 2 //. xix, 409 ff. ; xxii, 358 fT.
123
HEROIC POETRY
from battle and in consequence loses his friend Patroclus.
He makes this decision because he feels, rightly enough, that
Agamemnon has insulted him by demanding from him a girl
who is his legitimate booty. As a hero who lives for honour he
cannot endure the affront, and his answer is to humble Agamemnon
by refusing to help him in battle. But, though this abstention
undeniably harms Agamemnon and humiliates the Achaeans to
the point of begging Achilles to return to the fight, in the end it
harms Achilles himself more. When, instead of fighting himself,
he allows Patroclus to take the field, he sends him to his death,
and his remorse and anger at this so dominate him that he rages
with fury and treats his enemies with less than customary chivalry.
The tragedy of Achilles is less in his misfortunes than in his soul.
For this Homer creates an incomparable end when Achilles is
touched by the entreaties of old Priam and gives back Hector's
body. With this act of courtesy Achilles* wrath is healed, and he
is himself again. None the less, though the Iliad ends in a harmony
of reconciliation, the harm has been done. The great hero has
passed through a dark chapter and behaved in a way unworthy of
himself. With him, as with Roland, this is inevitable because his
heroic nature makes him extremely sensitive about his honour,
and the force which is so formidable on the battlefield turns all
too easily into fierce wrath against his friends. But, even when
he is most furious, he is still the great hero, who accomplishes
wonderful feats of prowess and has no equal in the acts of war.
The wrathful temper which harms Achilles finds a striking
parallel in the Norse Lay of Hamther. Guthrun sends her two
sons, Hamther and Sorli, to avenge their sister, Svanhild, on
Jormunrek, who has done her brutally to death. They set out
on their task, and are joined by their bastard half-brother, Erp.
He offers his help to them, no doubt because he too feels that he
has obligations to Svanhild and that these men are his brothers.
But they reject his offer with scorn, and Erp cannot but reply
with anger and insult :
Then Erp spake forth, his words were few,
As haughty he sat on his horse's back :
" To the timid 'tis ill the way to tell ".
A bastard they the bold one called.1
A fight follows, and Erp is killed. The short, brutal episode shows
on both sides how the heroic spirit works. Erp, wishing to show
his worth, makes a generous offer, and when it is rejected, has to
1 Hamthismdl, 16.
124
THE HERO
fight for his honour ; the brothers, in their proud notion of them-
selves, do not want his help and reject it in excess of self-confidence.
For this they pay. After they have wounded Jormunrek to death
and are ready to depart, the dying king calls his men to his rescue.
If Erp had been there to help them, the brothers would have
killed their attackers, but as it is they are defeated, and before
they die, see that their doom is the result of their fatal mistake
in killing him. Hamther accepts his fate, and though he admits
his mistake, he ,is not ashamed of it :
" His head were off now if Erp were living,
The brother so keen whom we killed on the road,
The warrior noble, — 'twas the Norns that drove me
The hero to slay who in fight should be holy.
" We have greatly fought, o'er the Goths do we stand
By our blades laid low, like eagles on branches ;
Great our fame though we die to-day or to-morrow ;
None outlives the night when the Norns have spoken."
Then Sorli beside the gable sank,
And Hamther fell at the back of the house.1
The tragic mistake seems to be inevitable to the heroic temper and
provides some of its most poignant and most splendid moments.
The hero who finds troubles in himself, may find other troubles '
in his circumstances, and resist them with the same energy which
he bestows on his human adversaries. In his desire to be himself
he may seek to war against the whole condition of life or against
the gods who impose it.^ Though few heroic poems make men
engage in unremitting warfare with the gods, such struggles take
place and have a peculiar quality. The heroes of the Iliad engage
gods and goddesses in fight in the plain of Troy, and though for
a short time they seem to get the better of the encounter, it is
clear before long that they arc committed to an impossible task.
So though Diomedes does not shrink from defying Apollo when
the god protects Aeneas, he gives way when the divine voice tells
him to yield because there is no equality between the immortal
gods and men who walk the earth.2 Even Achilles, who defies
the river-god Scamander and is ready to fight with him, is forced
to run away from him, " for the gods are stronger than men ".3
Odysseus owes many of his troubles to having angered Poseidon,
nearly meets his death when Poseidon wrecks his raft, and is safe
only when he reaches land. Homer's moderation forbade him
to allow his heroes to venture too much against the gods or to
1 Ibid. 28 and 30-31. 2 //. v, 440 ff. 3 Ibid, xxi, 264.
HEROIC POETRY
come too violently into conflict with them. Those in Greek
legend who went further than this, like Tantalus, who sought to
avoid death by deceit, or Ixion, who violated Hera, the wife of
Zeus, provided examples of hideous sin and condign punishment.
It was dangerous to set men too clearly against the gods, and
Homer avoids it.
The issue is raised on a larger scale and in a bolder spirit in
Gilgamish) which is nothing less than the story of a hero who
tries to surmount his human limitations and fails. At the beginning
of the poem Gilgamish is so sure of himself that he allows nothing
to obstruct his will. No man and no woman is safe from his
violence, and his ways are so outrageous that in response to
prayers from the men of Erech, where Gilgamish rules, the gods
decide to create another hero no less mighty who shall overcome
him. So Enkidu, a strange creature of the wilds, is made from
the desert clay. But Gilgamish frustrates the gods' plan by
vanquishing Enkidu in fight and then forming a devoted friend-
ship with him. The two heroes show their valour by destroying
the ogre Humbaba, and this leads to a second struggle with the
gods. The goddess Ishtar falls in love with Gilgamish and makes
him an offer of marriage which he rejects with scorn. He reminds
her of those lovers whom she has betrayed or maltreated and
heaps abuse on her. She is so enraged that she asks her father,
Anu, to make a heavenly bull to kill both Gilgamish and Enkidu.
But this too fails. The bull is a terrible monster, but the heroes
destroy it. After this the gods decide that Enkidu, though not
Gilgamish, must die. So in his second round with the gods
Gilgamish is still undefeated, but he has lost his friend, and his
troubles now take a new turn.
After this deliverance Gilgamish continues his struggles with
the conditions of human life, and the poem takes a noble grandeur
as it shows how he fails. The death of Enkidu is a bitter blow to
him, first because he has lost a devoted comrade whom he loved,
then because it reveals the horror and the reality of death. He
sees that he himself, with his enormous powers, must also die.
The thought of death haunts him, and he struggles against it,
hoping that he can somehow avoid it :
" Shall I, after roaming as a wanderer up and down the desert,
Lay my head in earth's bowels and sleep through the years for ever ?
Let my eyes see the sun and be sated with brightness ;
For darkness is far away if brightness be widespread.
When will the dead man look on the light of the sun ? " *
1 Gilgamish, ix, ii, 10-14.
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THE HERO
In this spirit Gilgamish devotes all his energy to seeking release
from death and goes on a long and hazardous journey to the end
of the world to find Uta-Napishtim, the Babylonian Noah, who
alone among men is exempt from death and should be able to
help him. This quest is the culmination of Gilgamish's life, his
final heroic effort to break the bonds of mortality. He pursues it
with unremitting courage, thinks nothing of the hardships which
he has to undergo, and pays no attention to Siduri, the goddess
of wine, when she propounds her gospel of pleasure and ease. He
rejects her advice that he should be content with the ordinary
happiness of men, and pushes on in his quest. He knows that it
is impossible for a hero like himself to live a life of unadventurous
pleasure.
In due course Gilgamish finds Uta-Napishtim and hears the
story of the flood and why the gods have exempted Uta-Napishtim
from death. The lesson is that Uta-Napishtim has been so
rewarded because of his perfect obedience to the gods. As
Gilgamish is unlikely to win immortality for such a reason, he
tries, at Uta-Napishtim's suggestion, other ways of escaping
death. First he must consult the gods how to do it, and Uta-
Napishtim tells him that he must stay awake for six nights and
six days. But this is too much for Gilgamish : he falls asleep
and has to be woken and told that he has failed. It seems that his
mighty physical frame is too insistent in its demands, and prevents
him from finding the self-control and detachment which are
necessary for converse with the gods. So on his homeward
journey Gilgamish tries an alternative course and fetches from
the bottom of the sea a plant which gives eternal youth, but,
when he has got it, a serpent seizes it, and he loses this chance
also. He comes home heavy with failure and calls up the ghost
of Enkidu, only to hear of the dismal state of the dead. The
poem ends with a conversation between him and the ghost :
" He who dies in war, hast thou seen him ? " "I have seen him !
His mother and father lift his head, his wife is bowed over him."
" He whose body lies in the desert, hast thou seen him ? " " I have
seen him !
His spirit does not rest in the earth in peace."
" He whose ghost has none to tend him, hast thou seen him ? " "I
have seen him.
He drinks the lees from cups and eats crumbs thrown in the street." l
So Gilgamish ends on a note of failure and emptiness. More
consciously than any other heroic poem it stresses the limitations
1 Ibid, xn, i, 149-54.
127
HEROIC POETRY
of the heroic state and its inability to win all that it desires, but
at the same time it gives a peculiar grandeur to the hero who makes
such efforts to realise his nature in all its potentialities. More even
than Homer, the poet of Gilgamish sets his heroic achievements
against a background of darkness and death which make them all
the more splendid because they are done for their own sake
without any hope or prospect of posthumous reward. Indeed
Gilgamish would be much less impressive if he succeeded in
finding immortality. His failure is a tribute to his unrelenting
conflict against the rules which govern human existence.
The splendour which irradiates a hero in the hour of defeat or
death is a special feature of heroic poetry. Though the heroes
know the struggle to be hopeless, they continue to maintain it
and give to it the fullest measure of their capacities. This is the
glory of their setting, the light which shines with more than usual
brightness on their last hours. And what is true of individuals
may also be true of nations when they seem to lose their life in
some overwhelming catastrophe. The Russian heroic age came
to a terrible end when Kiev was destroyed by Mongol invaders in
1240. Such a catastrophe could not fail to leave traces of itself
in song, and the mediaeval Tale of the Ruin of the Russian Land,
composed not long after the event, is a lament which reveals the
extent of the disaster. The story survived in popular memory and
passed into the different versions of a heroic story on the fall of
the Russian heroes. The versions vary much in detail, but in the
main agree that at a certain time Vladimir is attacked by enemies
and summons all his knights to fight them. At first the Russians
are successful and destroy the invading army. Finding that their
shoulders are not weary and their weapons not blunted, they
boast, and the boast takes a fatal form. Some knight, Alyosha
Popovich or another, utters the deadly words :
" Though they set against us a supernatural army,
An army which is not of this world,
We shall utterly conquer such an army." '
God hears the boast, and two unknown warriors appear and
challenge the chief Russian knights :
" Grant a combat with us !
We are two, you seven. No matter ! "
The Russians accept the challenge, but, as they cut the strangers in
two, each half becomes a new, living warrior. The fight lasts all
1 Sokolov, p. 99 fF. ; cf. Trautmann, i, p. 176 ff.
128
THE HERO
day and the enemies grow in number and courage. At last they
are overcome by panic :
They fled to the stony hills,
To the dark caves.
When a prince flies to the mountain,
There he is turned to stone ;
When a second flies,
There he is turned to stone ;
When a third flies,
There he is turned to stone.
Since that time there are no more heroes
in the Russian land.
In this tale the Russian heroic world perishes because it defies
God. In the end its heroic pride is too much for it. It pays the
last price and is no more.
Just as the power of Kiev fell before the Mongols, so the old
Serbian kingdom perished at Kosovo in 1389, when Tsar Lazar
and his allies were overwhelmed by the Turkish army of Sultan
Murad, who was himself killed. Round this catas;rophic event
memories gathered and inspired a cycle of poems which told of
events before and after the battle, though with no great taste for
the subject of the battle itself. Unlike the Russians, the Serbs
have not turned this disaster into a myth or a fable, and, though
there is a supernatural element in the choice offered to Tsar
Lazar, the rest of the poems are realistic and factual. The events
which they describe might well have happened, even if they did
not actually happen in this way. The enemies who defeat the
Serbs are not supernatural beings but Turks who wish to conquer
Serbia. Nor is there any suggestion that the Serbs are punished
for pride. On the contrary their destruction is due to Tsar
Lazar's decision to prefer a supernatural to an earthly kingdom, and
by religious and moral standards that is beyond reproach. The
extent of the destruction is enormous, as the Maiden of Kosovo
hears :
" Dost thou see, dear soul, those battle-lances,
Where they lie most thickly piled together ?
There has flowed the life-blood of the heroes ;
To the stirrups of the faithful horses,
To the stirrups and the girths it mounted,
Mounted to the heroes' silken girdles." *
Nor is Kosovo a battle in which only eminent heroes take part ; it
is fought by the whole Serbian people and is their last heroic
ordeal.
1 Karadzic, ii, p. 290. Trs. Helen Rootham.
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HEROIC POETRY
The paradox of the disaster at Kosovo is that it is caused by
treachery. The poems agree that the Turks defeated the Serbs
because at a crucial moment of the battle Vuk Brancovic led away
his troops and turned the scale against his own side. This seems
in fact not to have happened, but legend has canonised it. The
issue is stated simply in The Fall of the Serbian Empire :
Tsar Lazar and all his mighty warriors
There had overwhelm'd the unbelievers,
But — the curse of God be on the traitor,
On Vuk Brancovic — he left his kinsman,
He deserted him upon Kosovo ;
And the Turks overwhelmed Lazar the glorious,
And the Tsar fell on the field of battle ;
And with him did perish all his army,
Seven and seventy thousand chosen warriors.1
Just as Ganelon betrays Roland to the disaster of Roncesvalles, so
Vuk betrays Lazar to the disaster at Kosovo. But whereas
Roncesvalles is soon avenged by Charlemagne, there is no one left
to avenge Kosovo ; for the whole nation has perished at it. The
two cases show the doom which the heroic world carries in its very
being. The man who lives for his own honour feels all too easily
any slights laid upon it and is jealous to the point of treachery of
those who surpass him. Ganelon and Vuk are driven by injured
pride to betray their comrades. In their own judgment there is
nothing wrong in this, since pride provides their whole scale and
scheme of values. They act much as Achilles does when he
abstains from battle, but they carry out their purposes more
relentlessly and do not repent in time. The heroic system breaks
down through its own nature. Yet even so the disaster of Kosovo
remains glorious in Serb memory because of the heroism which
the nation as a whole showed at it.
A catastrophe of this kind, whether it happens to an individual
or to a nation, provides a satisfying end to a heroic legend. It is
somehow right that great warriors should die, as they have lived,
in battle, and refuse to surrender to powers stronger than them-
selves. It means that they are ready to sacrifice their lives for an
ideal of a heroic manhood which will never yield but will always
do its utmost in prowess and endurance. There must always come
a point when heroes encounter an enemy whom they cannot
subdue and then, if they shirk the issue, they are unworthy of
themselves. At last comes the obstacle which cannot be sur-
mounted, the fight which is too much even for the greatest and
1 Karadzic, ii, p. 271. Trs. Helen Rootham.
130
THE HERO
strongest hero. He may fall to foul play like Sigurth or to treachery
and overwhelming force like Roland or to something almost
accidental and trivial like Achilles to the arrow of Paris. When
he so falls, his life is completed and rounded off, as it can hardly
be if he lives to safe old age. The Greeks thought Achilles a
greater hero than Odysseus, because he dies young in battle, while
Odysseus, after all his adventures, will die among a contented
people from a death " ever so gentle " which comes from the sea.1
To his heroic career the final fitting touch is lacking. Of this
fatality the greatest heroes are often conscious. They know that
their lives may be short, but this is only a greater incentive to
fill them with action and glory. When Gripir tells Sigurth his
future, Sigurth is not downcast but says simply :
" Now fare thee well ! Our fates we shun not ",2
and accepts almost gladly what lies before him. Achilles too
knows that his life is short and that he will be killed in battle, and,
though for a passing moment this makes him hate the thought of
battle and wish to go home, it soon makes him an even greater
hero than before and stirs him to speak the terrible words with
which he refuses mercy to Lycaon :
" See what a man I am also, both strong and comely to look on,
Great was the father who bred me, a goddess the mother who bore me ;
Yet over me stand death and overmastering fortune.
To me a dawn shall come, or a noontide hour, or an evening,
When some man shall deprive me of life in the heat of the battle,
Casting at me with a spear or an arrow shot from a bow-string." 3
In his consciousness that his life is short Achilles becomes more
active and more heroic. In this he is typical of all doomed heroes
whose short careers reflect in their crowded eventfulness the
bursting ardours of the heroic soul.
1 Od. xi, 134 ff. z Gnpisspd, 52, i. 3 //. xxi, 108-13.
IV
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
IN assuming that what they tell is in the main true, heroic poets
treat it with realism and objectivity. However strange some of
their episodes may be, the narrative is made, so far as possible, to
conform to life as they see it. They employ many themes which
give a greater solidity and verisimilitude to their tales. Since
heroes move in what is assumed to be a real world, their back-
ground and their circumstances must be depicted, and, when their
quests carry them into unusual places, these must be made real
to audiences who know nothing of them and wish to hear what
they are like. At the same time heroic poetry does not indulge in
description for its own sake. Since its main concern is with heroes
and their doings, it would fail in its duty if it were to spend too
much time on mere decoration. It does not provide such scenes
of imaginary beauty as we find in romance or " literary " epic.
The heroic poet keeps his eye on his characters and their doings
and does not waste energy on irrelevant detail, but detail which
is to the point he likes and provides in abundance. It is indeed
necessary to his purpose. It may at one time reflect his hero's
character, at another show in what circumstances he carries out
his designs. In general it brings the story closer to life and makes
it more substantial. Of course the descriptions may add to the
charm of the poetry, and the poet is often conscious of this 'and
takes advantage of it. But it is not his primary purpose. Since a
hero lives and moves, it is necessary to tell how he lives and in
what places he moves, and by this means heroic poetry secures
much of its fullness and independence.
Description of natural scenery is rare in heroic poetry, nor is it
difficult to see why. This is an art which flourishes in societies
which do not live in towns and know the country so well that they
take it for granted and feel no call to make much of it. They lack
not only the modern city-dweller's desire for it as a place of
escape but the whole romantic conception of it as a home of
secrets and mysteries. For them indeed towns hardly exist, and,
when they exist, are certainly more wonderful than any wonders
of nature, since they are the exception and the country is the rule.
This does not mean that nature is nothing to heroic poets or
132
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
that they are not interested in the background against which their
characters play their parts. They are interested in nature at least
as a background, and if hardly any show such a loving observation
of it as Homer does in his similes, most of them, sooner or later,
pay some attention to it, and, when they do, not only open new
prospects to the eye but add to the solidity of their imagined
worlds.
In general it may be said that heroic poets describe natural
scenes when they are to fulfil some special function in the story.
The nature of such functions varies and may be anything from a
need to create a convincing setting for an event to a desire to stress
some contrast or unusual situation. At one extreme are those
poets who describe the scene in which an action takes place
because it is unfamiliar to their audiences and must be presented
clearly to them if the story is to make its proper erlect. Such
effects are to be found in the poetry of the Kalmucks, who lived
till very recently on the western shore of the Caspian after their
great migration in the seventeenth century, but whose heroic
legends are derived from their original home in central Asia on
the northern borders of Tibet. The poets take some care to
describe the homeland of the great Dzhangar, if only because it
is very unlike their present country and has for them an almost
sacred character as the cradle of their race and religion and the
setting of their heroic past. That is no doubt why the Song of the
Wars of Dzhangar with the Black Prince begins with an elaborate
account of the region in the Altai where Dzhangar rules, and
especially of the inland sea of Shartak :
Up and down move the waters of the broad sea of Shartak.
Its waters weave ice into silver.
It has corals and pearls on its surface.
It flowers with every kind of water-lily.
Whosoever drinks from the waters of that sea,
He is free from death for ever,
Or is born again for ever
In the land of the three and thirty Holy Ones
In the very hour when it is fated for him to die.
From that sea come eight thousand rivers.
They flow and ripple at every door
Of forty million subjects, with sandy streams,
From endless time never freezing
In all four seasons of the year.1
This is a land of wonder as it is remembered after two centuries
of exile, but it is none the less suitable to the heroic figures who
1 Dzhangariada, p. 95.
133
HEROIC POETRY
live near it. They are so far above ordinary men that their dwell-
ings must be close to the gods.
Something of the same kind may be seen in the Yakuts. They
once lived in the region of Lake Baikal but were pushed north-
wards by the Buryats and now inhabit the tundra and forests of
northern Siberia round the river Lena. Like the Kalmucks, they
brought with them tales which preserve memories of a landscape
unlike that which is now theirs. That is why they take pains to
describe the setting in which events take place. So the poem
Er Sogotokh begins with an account of where the hero lives :
On our blessed earth,
With a border of mountains about it,
— They will not be removed —
With strong upright mountains about it,
— They will not be shaken —
With mountains of stone about it,
— They will not quiver —
Where is the top of the earth,
With water in the midst,
Covered with turf,
Lived a certain rich man.1
This is unlike anything in the poet's own country and must be
made real to his audience. It has the mysterious appeal of the
remote and unfamiliar, and even if it reflects the landscape of the
Baikal region, it has been glorified by years of separation. In
The Deathless Knight the scene is set with like detail but in a differ-
ent landscape. This time the poet is concerned with a vast open
space, and he describes it carefully, because it too is unlike his
familiar tundra :
In the glistening middle of the earth,
On a dazzling white open plain,
— Though it race for the whole day long
The stork does not fly over it —
Amidst the white spaces of a white open plain
— The crane cannot fly around it —
There settled and lives, they say,
In rich state, with many possessions,
Bai Kharakhkhan-Toion.2
This setting too must be made vivid if the hero, who lives in it,
is to be understood by the audience. Part of his situation is that
he lives in this remote world ; it explains why such strange things
happen to him. The Yakut poets draw on tradition to create
1 Yastremski, p. 13. 2 Idem, p. 100.
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
unusual landscapes, but their art is none the less disciplined by a
factual realism which makes their descriptions significant.
Once or twice Homer has to tell of remote regions which no
man in his audience could have seen. Odysseus' wanderings take
him to many strange places, and the legends about them may
well have travelled far both in space and in time. For instance, he
sails to Circe's home, which tradition connected with the remote
east. Her island, Aeaea, may indeed be a reflection of some place
in the Black Sea, visited by early explorers, who left traces of their
discoveries in stories of the Argonauts. Homer knows that Aeaea
is far away, since he says that there the Dawn has her halls and
dancing-places and the Sun his risings.1 But when he comes to
describe it, he makes it like any attractive Greek island. At first
sight it looks uninhabited, and wild stags rove on it, but soon
Odysseus sees smoke rising and descries the palace of Circe,2
made of polished stones in an open ground.3 What might have
been a pure fairy-tale becomes circumstantial and convincing.
Again, it is possible that in his account of the Laestrygonians with
their rocky coast, their monstrous giantess, and their long northern
day, Homer repeats far-travelled legends of Scandinavia, which
may have come to the Aegean by the same route as the amber-
traders from the Baltic. He sees that this is a wild, forbidding
place and deftly sketches it in four lines, telling how the
harbour has a narrow entrance enclosed by steep rocks, with
jutting headlands facing each other at the entrance.4 The descrip-
tion would apply to many Norwegian fjords and is poetically
appropriate for the hard people of the Laestrygonians.
With Circe and the Laestrygonians Homer merely gives a
short sketch of the physical surroundings, but once at least
circumstances compel him to attempt more and to show what he
can do with natural beauty. When Odysseus is wrecked on
Calypso's island far away to the west, it is important to the story
that he is a castaway in a place where no human beings and hardly
even any gods ever go. It is also important that Calypso, who
loves him and wishes to keep him with her for ever, should have
a home worthy of her divine nature and rich in attractions to
seduce the hero into staying with her instead of returning home.
The beauty of her dwelling can hardly be that of the familiar
world ; it must be remote and wild and outside human society.
So Homer makes her live in a cave which has its own charms and
graces. When Hermes is sent by the gods to tell her to release
1 Od. xii, 3-4. z Ibid, x, 149-50.
3 Ibid. 210-11. 4 Ibid, v, 63-73.
HEROIC POETRY
Odysseus, he is greeted by a sight to gladden the eyes.1 Calypso
sits in her dwelling plying her golden shuttle, while outside is a
scene of great beauty and brilliance. Round about is a wood of
alder, poplar, and cypress, in which many land-birds and sea-
birds nest, while on the cave clusters a vine. Four streams are
there, and meadows of violet and parsley. No wonder that even
an immortal, on seeing it, would be delighted in his heart. Homer
means us to enjoy the scene, since it plays an important part in his
story. It is from this beauty and from the loving company of
Calypso that Odysseus must tear himself away, if he is to go home,
and even then he will find that many troubles await him. In his
heroic life he must reject this ease and beauty and face stern
tasks and hard conditions.
Description of this kind can hardly be expected in the many
passages of heroic poetry which treat of war. Yet the setting of a
battle may well be important to it, and there are times when the
poets feel that they must complete the picture by some hint of a
natural background. Nature lays down rules for the seasons of
warfare, which the heroes must observe. It is true that in much
heroic poetry scant attention is paid to the time of year, perhaps
because in many countries warfare is confined to the summer and
the audiences do not need to be told so. Sometimes, however,
the poet sees that physical conditions are relevant to his tale and
makes something of them. For instance, Jugoslav poets have a
good eye for the time of year. When Harambasa Curta goes out
to harass the Turks, it is still winter, when even haiduks are
expected to be resting in peace. So the poet stresses the loneliness
of the countryside :
Curta hastened to the Travnik highway
Through the virgin snow, on painful pathways
And untrodden tracks, where no man wanders
Save the haiduk, when in search of booty
He by stealth descends upon the highways,
And except the dusky-coated wolf-pack
That in secret creeps about the cow-byres,
Passes from one sheepfold to another,
Watching sharply for the meat it feeds on.2
This is a winter scene, described in some detail, because it is
unusual. Conversely, when the spring comes, it is time for action,
and the first leaves and flowers are a challenge to brave exploits.
Like their Serb opponents, the Turks too turn to action :
When at last dawned bright St. George's feast-day,
And the mountain-sides with leaves were covered,
1 Od. x, 87 ff. 2 Morison, p. 22.
136
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
And the black earth gay with grass and blossoms,
And the lambkins sported in the meadows,
And the horses in the plain were hobbled,
And the wooded hills were decked with mallows,
Then the vizier indited letters.1
The poet suggests how the revival of life in spring makes men
also active. If the Turks are getting busy, the Serbs too must be
up and doing.
Homer hardly connects the Trojan War with nature in this
way, but he is not indifferent to its natural background. He marks
the mountains which are visible from the plain of Troy, and once
or twice mentions local features which have their own interest,
like the two streams, one cold and one hot, which are the source
of the river Scamander.2 Past these streams Achilles pursues
Hector in the last fight, and Homer pauses to tell of them, turning
for a moment our attention from the fierce struggle to the natural
scene. Perhaps this place was connected by legend with the fight
of Achilles and Hector, but in the poem it has its own function of
reminding us that even a struggle like this takes place among
natural surroundings. Homer, however, displays a more remark-
able art earlier in Achilles' career of vengeful fury. When he
fights the river-god Scamander, Hephaestus, the fire-god, comes
to the river's help and burns the countryside and makes the water
boil:
Burned were the poplar-trees and the myrtle-bushes and rushes,
Burned also were the grass and the meadowsweet and the parsley,
Which grew abundantly by the beautiful streams of the river ;
Troubled too were the eels and the fishes that swam in the eddies
Leaping this way and that in the beautiful streams of the river,
Troubled sore by the breath of the cunning fire-god Hephaestus.3
Such trees and plants as the fire consumes may still be seen on the
plain of Troy by the banks of the Simois and the Scamander.
Homer is convincingly realistic in this scene of which he cannot
have seen the like, showing what things happen when a hero fights
with a god.
A hint of natural scenery may stress the atmosphere of some
grave occasion. So in the Norse Atlakvitha, when Gunnar and
his companions ride on their doomed expedition to Atli, there is
something appropriate about the places through which they pass
on their horses :
Then let the bold heroes their bit-champing horses
On the mountains gallop, and through Myrkwood the secret.4
1 Karadzic, iv, p. 185. Trs. Monson. 2 //. xxii, 147-52.
3 Ibid, xxi, 350-55. 4 Atlakvitha, 13, 1-2.
137
HEROIC POETRY
The background of mountain and dark forest is merely hinted at,
but is enough to call up the wild scenes through which Gunnar
and his companions make their long journey. Another small and
striking touch can be seen in the Short Lay of Sigurth, where
Brynhild, who is married to Gunnar but secretly in love with
Sigurth, cannot display her feelings and goes out alone with them
at night :
Oft did she go with grieving heart
On the glacier's ice at even-tide,
When Guthrun then to her bed was gone,
And the bedclothes Sigurth about her laid.1
The introduction of the glacier shows Brynhild's need to be alone
with forbidding powers of nature when her rival and the man
whom they both love are in bed. There is a parallel between her
outward state and the chill hopelessness of her situation. So an
even smaller touch adds magic to the moment when the smith,
Volund, is discovered in his hiding-place by Nithuth's men :
By night went his men, their mail-coats were studded,
Their shields in the waning moonlight shone.2
The moonlight not only explains why Volund is out — he hunts
at night — but gives an eerie atmosphere to the sinister plot
against him.
These touches are strictly subordinated to the story and
important mainly for it, but there are times when poets make use
of a situation to indulge a taste for a little description for its own
sake. This is not very common, but when it comes, it adds an
unexpected touch of colour to the story. For instance, in the Kara-
Kirghiz Manas, when Alaman Bet quarrels with Chubak, the
weather suddenly turns foul, and, though the poet makes use of
this to show how Manas separates the heroes in the middle of a
hideous storm, the storm itself receives a full amount of attention
as something impressive and interesting in itself :
Suddenly the storm grew wild ;
Everything around was darkened,
Black clouds came over the sky,
Thunder roared in the mountains,
Suddenly rain poured from the sky —
Such rain no man had ever seen !
Piercing snowflakes fell in swarms
And blinded the eyes.
To their knees it swept the horses.
People could not open their eyes —
It burned their eyes with piercing snow.
1 Sigurtharkvitha en Skamma, 8. 2 Volundarkvitha> 9, 3-4.
138
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
People could not open their lips —
It froze their tongues with frost.
From the north it blew with a storm,
From the south it soaked them with rain,
From the east a hurricane blew on them,
From the west a water-spout fell on them.1
This is something of a show-piece, neatly introduced at an im-
portant stage in the action, but more than the actual story really
needs. In contrast to its fierce temper we may set another piece,
which the poet obviously enjoys, from the Ainu Kutune Sliirka.
When the hero, in search of a mysterious golden otter, comes to
the sea, which he has never seen before, he pauses to say something
about it :
And coming from the sea
A pleasant breeze blew on me and the face of the sea
Was wrinkled like a reed-mat.
And on it the sea-birds
Tucking their heads under their tails,
Bobbing up their heads from under their tails
Called to one another
With sweet voices across the sea.2
That, after, all is what a young man might see in the sea on looking
at it for the first time, but it is none the less a charming piece of
poetry for its own sake. In both these passages the poets go rather
beyond the usual limits which heroic poetry allows to descriptions
of nature, but they are careful to fit their observations into the
story.
The art of adapting the background to the tone and temper of
events can be seen in Roland, when the poet prepares the setting
for the grim fight in the pass at Roncesvalles. He sketches, very
briefly, the scene :
High are the peaks, the valleys shadowful,
Swarthy the rocks, the narrows wonderful.3
It is only a hint, but it does something important. The whole
scene rises before our eyes and remains with us through the long
account of the fight. It is appropriate that such a struggle should
take place in these wild surroundings. It is moreover a prepara-
tion for a bolder and grander effect which comes later when the
poet makes nature take part in the catastrophe of Roland and
his peers. When the Franks meet the Saracens in the pass, an
unearthly tempest and darkness possess the earth :
1 Manas, p. 150.
2 Trs. Arthur Waley, Botteghe Oscure, vii (1951), p. 219.
3 Roland, 814-15.
HEROIC POETRY
Torment arose, right marvellous, in France,
Tempest there was, of wind and thunder black,
With rain and hail, so much could not be spanned ;
Fell thunderbolts often on every hand,
And verily the earth quaked in answer back
From Saint Michael of Peril unto Sanz,
From Besun£un to the harbour of Guitsand ;
No house stood there but straight its walls must crack ;
In full midday the darkness was so grand,
Save the sky split, no light was in the land.1
Almost certainly the poet has in mind the darkness which covered
the earth at the Crucifixion. His battle is itself a tremendous
Christian sacrifice, in which Roland and his companions lay down
their lives for their faith. So perhaps the audience would see it
and would for that reason accept the miracle. It marks the true
meaning of the battle, and, though its events are beyond experi-
ence, they are described with a factual realism which makes them
convincing. The extent and the horror of the great darkness are
seen with a clear, firm vision.
The poet of Roland combines this idea with another. The
vast storm has a meaning which men do not see :
Beheld these things with terror every man,
And many said : " We in the Judgement stand ;
The end of time is presently at hand ".
They spake no truth ; they did not understand ;
'Twas the great day of mourning for Rollant.2
When nature mourns for Roland in this awful, tragic way, the
poet allows himself something beyond the usual scope of heroic
poetry. Yet what he says is understandable enough. When a
hero dies, the world is so much the poorer that even inanimate
nature may be imagined as feeling his loss. A similar idea,
conceived in a gentler and quieter spirit, may be seen in some
Bulgarian poems. They use the theme less for death than for
parting, but their touch is sure and successful. When Liben
leaves the forest, he says good-bye to it, and the forest, which
speaks to nobody else, speaks to him. It reminds him of what he
has done in it and continues :
" Hitherto, my warrior Liben,
The old mountain was your mother,
And your lover the green forest
In its dress of tufted leafage,
Freshened by the gentle breezes ;
1 Roland, 1423-32. 2 Ibid. 1433-7.
140
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
Grasses made your bed for sleeping,
Leaves of trees provided cover,
Limpid streamlets gave you water,
In the woods birds carolled for you,
For you, Liben, was their message :
' Make glad with the heroes, Liben,
For the forest makes glad with you,
And for you makes glad the mountain,
And for you make glad fresh waters.' " l
This has no such heights and depths as the mourning of nature in
Roland but it is more lyrical. A simpler, if similar note is struck
in another poem where the hero plots a dangerous enterprise :
The green forest was lamenting,
Both the forest and the mountain,
And the leaves within the forest,
And the birds among the woodlands,
And the grasses in the meadows,
For the gallant hero Pantcho.2
Such pieces portray the intimacy with nature which the h<To has
enjoyed, and comes quite easily in its context. The literary fancy,
which has been unfairly denigrated as the " pathetic fallacy ",
has here a real truth to experience. When the poet makes the
forest speak or weep, he portrays in a vivid way what are really
the hero's own thoughts, his feelings about leaving a place where
he has long found a happy life.
This sense of animate nature is characteristic of Slavonic
poetry. In some Russian poems it takes a special form when
nature weeps for some great man's death. This may be quite
simple as in a poem on the death of Ivan the Terrible :
Now, our father, bright moon !
Why do you not shine as of old,
Not as of old, not as in the past ?
Why do you not rise from behind the cloud,
But hide yourself in a black mist ? 3
The greater the dead man, the greater the distress, and it is
right that in her Tale of Lenin Marfa Kryukova should put on a
full-dress performance. After comparing Lenin's death to the
setting sun, the moon, and a star, she advances from symbol
to description and makes creatures of nature share the distress of
men :
Birds flew up then like falcons high to the skies,
Fishes then sank to the depth of the seas,
1 Dozon, p. 38. 2 Ibid. p. 46.
3 Kireevski, vi, p. 206 ; Chadwick, R.H.P. p. 206.
141
HEROIC POETRY
Martens scampered over the islands,
Friendly bears scattered through the dark woods,
And people put on black clothes,
Black clothes they put on, sorrowful clothes.1
Lenin's death is seen as a cosmic event which disturbs the course
of nature. In this case nature is not so much lamenting for him
as distressed and frightened. The hero is set on a vast stage in
which men and animals have come equally under his spell and
responded to his efforts to master and change the world. Behind
Kryukova's bold vision is the traditional idea that a hero is so
closely bound to his surroundings that they are inevitably affected
by any change in their relations with him.
This general assumption takes a special form in a number of
Greek poems, in which nature is so closely connected with the
lives of the klephts and their struggles with the Turks that she
cannot but show human emotions when anything happens to her
friends. It is above all the mountains who play such a part. A
hero climbs them by moonlight and hears them speaking to the
winds and saying that it is not the snows and hailstones which
trouble them but the Turk, Deli Achmet, who treads upon them.2
Another two mountains talk about the klephts going down to the
plains, and one asks the plain to look after them ; otherwise it will
melt its snows onto the plain and turn it into a sea.3 When the
klephts are attacked by the Turks, Mount Maina is wet with
weeping.4 When the snows begin to cover the mountains, the
klepht must go to the plains and risk capture and death, but
when spring comes the mountains are the home of freedom and
hope, and Olympus and Kissabos are justified in debating which
does more for him :
Olympus — see ! — and Kissabos, two mountains in a quarrel :
Which shall pour down the heavy rain, which shall pour down the
snowstorm.
'Twas Kissabos that sent the rain, Olympus sent the snowstorm.
Olympus turned his mighty head, to Kissabos thus spake he :
" Nay, scold me not, Sir Kissabos, by feet of Turks betrampled,
For I am Olympus full of years, in all the world renowned,
And forty-two my summits are, and sixty-two my fountains ;
And on each peak a banner free, 'neath every branch an outlaw ".s
In this way the Greek poets make nature the background for the
seasonal warfare of the klephts.
In marked contrast to their treatment of nature is the way
1 Kaun, p. 191. 2 Garnett, p. 310. 3 Idem, p. 311.
4 Idem, p. 321. 5 Politis, 23. Trs. W. J. Entwistle.
142
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
in which heroic poets treat the work of men's hands, especially
their dwellings. Dwellings are important because they reflect a
man's style and character. They are visible emblems of his
worth and pride and ambition, and, more subtly, they reflect the
undercurrents of his being. Qt is right and proper that, when the
poet of Beowulf presents his picture of a wise and good king in
Hrothgar, he should make him build a great hall to be a sign of his
royal dignity and a proper place for his hospitable entertainment
of guests. The hall is an achievement of stylish craftsmanship :
Broad of gable, and bright with gold :
That was the fairest, mid folk of earth,
Of houses 'neath heaven, where Hrothgar lived,
And the gleam of it lightened o'er lands afar.1
It is this hall which is to be defiled by the man-eating raids of
Grendel, and there is a tragic and ironical contrast between its
builder's intentions and its actual fatej As a sinister counterpart
to it we may set the halls of Atli, king of the Huns, as the Norse
poet sketches them. They are the true home of a man of blood,
a warrior who plots a hideous end for his guests :
Then they saw Atli's halls, and his watch-towers high,
On the walls so lofty stood the warriors of Buthli ;
The hall of the southrons with seats was surrounded,
With targets bound and shields full bright.2
The Norse poets can seldom spare time to describe a hero's
dwelling, and in this case the poet probably does so because it
adds to the impression of embattled power which he wishes Atli to
make.
The Asiatic poets also describe dwellings, though they are
usually different from the European kind. The great Manas has
an appropriate home in a fortress, guarded, like Atli's, by armed
warriors :
His fortress, full of people,
Seethes like a large kettle ;
In that fortress Manas has
Abundance of every possession ;
That fortress is more solid than a hill.
In its windows of pewter
Are twelve unsleeping guards,
Each one in rank a warrior.
Each of the guards holds
A knife of chased steel.3
1 Beowulf, 308-11. 2 Atlakvitha, 14. * Manas, p. 34.
HEROIC POETRY
Here the emphasis is on the impregnability of Manas' dwelling.
The Kalmuck poets aim at a different effect. The great hero,
Dzhangar, lives not in a fortress but in a tent, as befits his nomadic
nation :
Beautiful arise the motley yellow domes.
They are adorned with diamonds of four colours.
On each summit are stablished
His invincible sceptres.
He raises it up in the centre of all earth's kingdoms.
They have built each fold of it outwards,
They have built it over the abyss.
At a height of two hundred yards
Above the clouds of the sky
Stands the motley yellow chamber.1
The Kalmuck poet sees the home of Dzhangar through a pardon-
able mist of home-sickness. This is what a people who have
moved to the Caspian believe their old home in the Altai to be.
It is a glorification of the nomad's tent, and remains, despite all its
size and decorations, simple enough. Tents can present other
charms than these. In Arabia they are the normal type of lodging,
and the poet of The Stealing of the Mare is ready with a surprise
for the hero, Abu Zeyd, when he comes in disguise to the dwelling
of his enemy. The Arabian poet has a more observant eye than
the Kalmuck, and his description has its own delightful realism :
And I cast my eyes around, and lo, like the stars for number,
Stood the tents in their ranks, as it were the Pleiades in heaven,
Each a cluster of stars ; and among them a pavilion
Set for a leader of men ; and mares were tethered round it,
And dromedaries trained as it were for a distant riding ;
And hard beside a tent of silk, a fair refreshment
To the eyes as rain on the hills, the blest abode of women.
And next in a lofty place, set on a windy platform,
As it were a fortress in size, the booth of the great council,
Wonderful in its spread, its length full sixty paces.
And tears came to my eyes, for none in the world was like it.2
In this the imagination is tempered by a solid sense of fact. This
is the kind of encampment which every Arabian would wish to be
his own.
The Russian poets lack this refinement of observation, but
their descriptions of dwellings have a native charm and truth.
Sometimes they are unexpectedly modest. When Sadko finds the
Tsar of the Sea, the royal dwelling is only an izba or hut ; 3 it is
1 Dzhangariada, p. 96. 2 Blunt, ii, p. 144.
3 Kireevski, v, p. 43.
144
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
true that it is a very special hut, " built all of wood ", but it is
none the less the kind of hut in which a Russian peasant dwells.
Rather more bourgeois in its solidity and comfort is the home of
which Dyuk Stepanovich boasts to Prince Vladimir, comparing it
more than favourably with the standard of homes at Kiev :
The floors are of white hazel-wood,
The balustrades are made of silver,
Crimson carpets are spread.1
This is wealth as a Russian peasant sees it from outside. More
adventurous is the house of the rake, Churilo Plenkovich, which
fills Prince Vladimir with awe and envy and suits the extravagant
character of its owner :
The floor was of pure silver,
The stoves were all of glazed tiles,
The pillars were covered with silver,
Churilo's ceiling was covered with black sable,
On his walls were printed curtains,
In the curtains were sash windows,
The hall was a copy of the sky.
The full moon of heaven rode aloft.2
The poet makes skilful use of an unexpected piece of information,
and models Churilo's home on the apartment of the daughters of
Tsar Alexis in the Kremlin, where the wall was painted with
frescoes and the part round the windows represented a blue sky
with white clouds.3 This is the height of splendour and well
suited to Churilo's smart and extravagant tastes.
The Yakuts resemble the Russians in the limited range of their
experience and in their sense of the close relation between a man's
house and his character, but they spend more time in describing
dwellings, partly because their stories are set in remote regions
on which any information is interesting. In The Deathless Knight
the home of Bai-Kharakhkhan, his wife, and eighteen children, is
presented at some length for audiences who are presumably
interested in the building of houses in a densely forested country
and know something about it. First the setting is described ;
then the solidity of the structure :
Like an ox lying down after drinking water,
The main* door has a hanging
Of the skins of eight fine bears ;
Seven men could not open it.
1 Rybnikov, i, p. 101. 2 Idem, ii, p. 528.
3 Cf. Chadwick, R.H.P. p. 96, with reference to Rambaud, " Les Tsarines
de Moscou ", Revue des Deux Mondes (1873), p. 516.
H5
HEROIC POETRY
The walls are such that a strong horse
Charging against them would lose its breath ;
They are made from strong larch-trees.
There are small windows
In nine places on every wall,
A door with such fastenings
That eight men cannot open it ;
With such bolts of larch-wood,
That ten men cannot move it.1
This building may be made of simple materials in a simple way,
but it is in its own way a fortress, impressive to an uneducated
audience and worthy of the strange character who lives in it.
Though dwellings are usually described because they are
essential to the story, there is no reason why poets should not
appreciate their charm and give to them an attractive poetry.
The Ainu poet of Kutune Shirka does this with some success for
the home of his hero. The hero has lived indoors all his life until
he receives supernatural promptings to go abroad and catch a
mysterious golden otter. The first sight that greets him is that
of his own home, which moves him to great delight :
Then I went out at the door,
And saw what in all my life
Never once yet I had seen —
What it was like outside my home,
Outside the house where I was reared.
So this was our Castle !
Never could I have guessed
How beautiful it was.
The fencing done long ago
Standing so crooked ;
The new fencing
So high and straight.
The old fencing like a black cloud,
The new fencing like a white cloud.
They stretched around the castle
Like a great mass of cloud —
So pleasant, so lovely !
The crossbars laid on top
Zigzagged as the fence ran.
The stakes below
Were swallowed deep in the earth.
In the tie-holes below
Rats had made their nest.
In the tie-holes above
Little birds had made their nest.
Here and there, with spaces between,
1 Yastremski, p. 100.
146
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
The holes were patches of black.
And when the wind blew into them
There was a lovely music
Like the voices of small birds.
Across the hillside, across the shore
Many zigzag paths
Elbowed their way.
The marks of digging-sticks far off
Showed faintly black ;
The marks of sickles far off
Showed faintly white.
The ways went pleasantly ;
They were beautiful, they were lovely.1
The poet is evidently determined to describe the best kind of
Ainu dwelling and does so by the ingenious ruse that his hero has
never seen his own home from the outside before. He relies
entirely on truth and observation for his success, and such is his
feeling for dwellings of this kind that he can easily dispense with
fancy or exaggeration. He feels the poetical appeal of such a
scene, and has a painter's eye for its lines and perspectives. If the
Yakut poet likes strength and solidity, the Ainu likes grace and
elegance.
Such descriptions are usually based on a firm foundation of
familiar fact. The audience must first feel familiar with the
imagined scene, and only when that is assured is the poet free to
add his touches of fancy. Homer makes his heroes live in real
palaces. Of course their style has a Mediterranean grandeur such
as is not to be found in Asia, and his taste and experience are much
closer to our own. He does not often indulge in description, but
when he does, he has an eye for visible splendour. When Tele-
machus arrives at Sparta and sees the palace of Menelaus, he is
amazed at its brilliance, for on the high-roofed house there is a
glitter as of the sun or the moon.2 It is only a slight touch, but it
is appropriate to the palace of a great prince who has amassed
great wealth on his long wanderings. The theme, merely suggested
here, is developed at length for the palace of Alcinous in Phaeacia.
This too has a glitter as of the sun or moon, and understandably,
since the walls are of bronze, the doors of gold, the door-posts and
lintels of silver, while dogs of gold and silver guard the entries.3
Into this imaginary palace Homer has perhaps put remote legends
and memories of Minoan or Mycenean times when gold was
plentiful and kings lived in great palaces like those of Cnossus and
1 Trs. Arthur Waley, Botteghe Oscure, vii (1951), pp. 218-19.
2 Od. iv, 45-6. J Ibid, vii, 84-94.
147
HEROIC POETRY
Mycenae. Though none of his audience would have seen such a
palace, except in ruins, it would be accepted as right and proper
for Alcinous, who reigns in a fabulous island far from other men
and enjoys peculiar wealth and glory.
Unlike palaces, gardens play little part in heroic poetry, partly
perhaps because the heroic world hardly knows what they are,
partly because the taste for them is rather too luxurious for the
heroic temper. Their real home is in a world of courtship and
courtesy and ease. It is true that Roland allows something of the
kind to the Saracens, but it denies them to Charlemagne in his
palace at Aix, while the stark world of Beowulf and the Elder Edda
is remarkable more for rude rocks and rough seas than for bowers
and fountains. None the less gardens sometimes appear and help
to complete the picture of the splendour in which a great man lives.
They are not, as in romance, settings for love and sentiment, but
an adjunct of power and wealth. 1 Homer once gives his powers to
such a domain, when he describes at considerable length the
garden and orchard of Alcinous. Outside the palace is the great
orchard, surrounded by a wall, where fruit-trees, pear, pome-
granate, apple, fig, and olive, flourish all the year round, so that
there is never any lack of either fruit or blossom. Here some
grapes are dried and trodden, while others are still ripening on the
trees. Here too are flower-beds, and two springs, one of which
flows through the garden, and the other under the threshold of the
court to the house, where men draw water from it.1 This miracu-
lous garden is both beautiful and functional, and it is characteristic
of Alcinous that his douceur de vivre should be founded on so
unusual and so admirable a system of supply. Homer describes
it so factually and with so obvious a belief in its reality that we take
his word for it and enjoy it as something entirely possible in the
magical world of Phaeacia.
A similar theme is used with quite a different intention in a
modern Greek poem on Digenis Akritas. In The Dying Digenis
the poet begins by showing the hero in all his power and splendour,
the great man who builds a castle and a garden worthy of his noble
name and superior nature :
Akritas built a citadel, Akritas built a garden,
Upon a plain, a grassy place, a site for them well suited.
All the plants growing in the world he brought to it and planted ;
All the vines growing in the world he brought to it and planted ;
All waters flowing in the world he brought and made them channels,
All the birds singing in the world he brought and made nests for them.
Unceasingly they sang, and sang : " May Akritas live for ever ! " 2
1 Od. vii, 112-32. 2 Legrand, p. 195.
148
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
This is how a hero likes to display his greatness. He assumes that
he has the power and the right to express himself on this royal
scale and to sack the world for delights to please his eye and ear.
So far he resembles Alcinous, but the more modern Greek poet is
not like Homer. He will not leave it at that. Digenis' pride, it
seems, is not justified after all, and the great display is only a
preliminary to his death. One Sunday morning the birds change
their tune and sing " Akritas will die ". In defiance of this he
goes out to shoot them and to kill what animals he can. He finds
none and meets instead Charon, with whom he struggles and is
defeated. He accepts his defeat and prepares for death :
" Come here, my lady beautiful, and make my death-bed ready ;
Put flowers on for coverlet, with muse perfume the pillows ;
Then go, my lady beautiful, to hear what say the neighbours."
The great hero must die like any other man, and in the end his
proud magnificence is no more than the signal for his final defeat.
Closer even than his dwelling to a hero are his weapons. Since
through them he wins the renown which he seeks, they must be
worthy of him. So heroic poetry loves to dwell on some weapon
or piece of armour with meticulous, professional care. That is
why the forging of weapons is a grave affair. Sometimes the means
used are natural enough, as when Gilgamish and Enkidu prepare
for their expedition against the ogre Humbaba, and give orders
which are carried out :
The workmen prepared the mould, and cast monstrous axes ;
They cast celts, each of three talents' weight ;
They cast monstrous knives, with hilts each of two talents' weight,
And blades, of thirty manas each, to fit them ;
The gold inlay of each sword was thirty manas.
Gilgamish and Enkidu were laden each with ten talents.1
That is professional and factual. [The heroes carry weapons of
prodigious weight, which only shows how splendid they are. But
not all weapons are so innocent as these. Often enough magic or
poison is used to make them more deadly. So the sword, Hrunting,
with which Beowulf hopes to kill Grendel's Dam, has had a
special treatment as well as considerable use :
Iron was its edge, all etched with poison,
With battle-blood hardened, nor blenched it at fight
In hero's hand who held it ever.2 I
So too the sword which the Valkyrie gives to Helgi Hundingsbane
is engraved with snakes to indicate its power to destroy, and has
1 Gilgamish, in, iii, 30-35. * Beowulf, 1459-61.
149
HEROIC POETRY
miraculous powers which may he expected to bring victory to its
possessor :
In the hilt is fame, in the haft is courage,
In the point is fear, for its owner's foes ;
On the blade there lies a blood-flecked snake,
And a serpent's tail round the flat is twisted.1
Heroic weapons are not forged without much time and trouble.
The resources of earth are ransacked to give them a final strength,
and magical powers are called in to help. So the forging of
Manas' sword is a lengthy and exacting business :
They cut down a multitude of woods
To smelt the sword in the furnace !
They slaughtered a multitude of oxen
And brought their skins for the sword,
To smelt a terrible sword !
Often the smith prayed,
Karataz pleaded with passion,
Saying " Help me, God ! "
For the tempering of that sword.
So hot was the steel,
They emptied cold streams.
Many a stream was dried up !
They were unable to finish it,
They dared not, they were exhausted,
The forty skilled masters
From the distant land of Egypt.
The most renowned smith
In winter and summer hammered
Manas' sword for fights to come. . . .
In hideous days of strain and slaughter
They beat out for him that sword ;
In mirages of the blue sky
A fortune-teller tempered the sword,
Spirits put charms upon the sword,
In snake's poison was dipped the sword.2
The hero, who is unlike other men, must have a sword unlike
other swords, and his strength and skill, which seem to be almost
supernatural, must be exercised on a weapon fashioned by more
than human art. Such swords help to complete their masters'
personalities and have an interest of their own for audiences who
know the good points of a weapon and what it means to its
possessor.
In such a world the smith who makes weapons has a peculiar
renown and is often thought to be a god or a demi-god. In Ger-
manic legend the great smith is Volund, or, as the English called
1 Helgakvitha Hjorvarthssonar, 9. 2 Manas, p. 326 ; cf. Radlov, v, p. 43.
150
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
him, Weyland Smith. Though his life is regarded by the poet of
Deor as a classic case of suffering, he surpasses all other smiths in
skill. No doubt that is why he is put in chains and made to work
by Nithuth, from whom in due time he exacts a hideous revenge.
It is he who makes Beowulf's corslet j1 and Waldhere's sword,2
and is known to the author of Waltharius for his Wielandia
fabrica.3 In the Norse Lay of Volund he speaks with pride of his
own handicraft :
" At Nithuth 's girdle gleams the sword
That I sharpened keen with cunningest craft,
And hardened the steel with highest skill ;
The bright blade far forever is borne,
Nor back shall I see it borne to the smithy." 4
Volund is so fine a smith that he is thought to be a magician, and
his final revenge on Nithuth shows his talents. In him perhaps
the Norse imagination has glorified the Finnish magicians known
to legend, since he is connected with Finland and his place in
the Norse world is somewhat ambiguous. He stands outside the
common rut as a great smith should. From a magician to a god
is but a small step, and it is natural that poets should make some
of the greatest smiths divine. The Ossete Kurdalagon lives in the
sky but helps men with superhuman feats on his forge. The most
famous divine smith is Hephaestus, and it is right that, when
Achilles' armour has been stripped from Patroclus' body by
Hector, new armour should be made for Achilles by Hephaestus.
Thetis comes to him and asks him to make the armour, and he
agrees in a few courteous words. Then, like a real smith, he sets
to work, and Homer describes the scene with a firm, realistic eye.
Of course this forge is more powerful than any forge used by men,
but it works on the same principles and shows that its smith is a
supreme master of his craft. He sets twenty bellows in action,
and throws bronze, tin, silver, and gold into the fire. Then he
sets his anvil on its block, and takes in one hand his hammer and
in the other his bellows.5 Hephaestus works in ideal conditions
beyond human reach. Even his bellows obey his orders as if they
were his servants. But his manner of work is that of all smiths,
and the weapons which he makes are to be used in human warfare.
In contrast to the way in which Achilles has his armour made
for him by a divine smith, we may set another hero who has to seek
out a smith for himself and then prove his worth in choosing from
the weapons which are offered to him. When the Esthonian
1 Beowulf, 455. 2 Waldhere, 2. 3 Waltharius, 964.
4 Volundarkvitha, 19. 5 //. xviii, 468-77.
151 L
HEROIC POETRY
Kalevide visits a Finnish smith, whom he finds with some trouble,
he is first presented with an armful of swords, from which he picks
the longest. He bends it into a hoop, but it straightens itself out.
He then strikes it on a massive rock, and the blade is shivered to
pieces. He asks scornfully :
" Who has mixed up children's playthings
With arms meant for grown-up warriors ? "
More swords are brought in, and the Kalevide chooses one which
he brings down on the anvil. The sword cuts deep into it, but the
sharp edge is blunted. The smith then says that he has one sword
worthy of the hero's strength if he is rich enough to buy it, and
states a fabulous price, including horses, milch kine, oxen, calves,
wheat, barley, rye, dollars, bracelets, gold coins, silver brooches,
the third of a kingdom, and the dowries of three maidens. Then
a sword is fetched from a cupboard. The smith and his sons have
worked at it for seven years and made it from seven kinds of iron
with seven charms and tempered it in seven different waters from
those of the sea and Lake Peipus to rain-water. The Kalevide
receives it with reverence, whirls it like a fiery wheel, till it whistles
through the air like a tempest that breaks oaks and unroofs houses.
Then he brings down the edge like a flash of lightning on the anvil
and cleaves it to the ground without in any way hurting the sword.
The Kalevide thanks the smith and promises to pay his price.1
Such a sword has more than a touch of magic in it, and it is sig-
nificant that this smith also is a Finn. But the Kalevide gets the
sword because of his heroic strength and superb swordsmanship.
A lesser man would never had been able to test weapons as he does.
The weapons made in these unusual conditions develop their
own personalities and often have their own names. If the Greeks
do not give names to their weapons, the Germanic peoples, the
French, and the Tatars do. Sigurth's sword is called Gram. It
was made for him by Regin and was said to be so sharp that when
he thrust it into the Rhine and let a strand of wool drift against it
with the stream, it cleft the strand as if it were water. With this
sword Sigurth cleaves Regin 's anvil and kills the dragon Fafnir.
Waldhere's sword, Mimming, is one of Weyland's masterpieces,
and that is why in the fight with Gutthere Hildegyth encourages
Waldhere with a reminder that he has an incomparable weapon :
" Indeed Weyland's work not faileth
Any among men who the Mimming can,
The hoary one handle. Oft in the host hath fallen
Blood-sweating and sword -wounded swain after other." 2
1 Kirby, i, p. 42 ff. 2 Waldhere, 2-5.
152
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
\nother famous sword is Hrunting, which Unferth lends to
Beowulf for his attack on Grendel's Dam :
never in battle had it failed
Any man whose arm had clasped it,
Who the way of terror dared to tread,
The field of foemen ; 'twas not the first time
That an excellent work it was to accomplish.1
Actually Hrunting fails Beowulf in his encounter with the Dam,
but perhaps that is not its fault, since the conditions of fight are
highly unusual and the foe is no human opponent. ] In Roland
is a sword no less renowned than these. Roland's Durendal
is also reputed to be the work of Weland and is the gift of
Charlemagne. It has accompanied Roland on his great exploits
and, before he dies, he addresses it with affectionate remembrance
of what it has done and of all the places in which they have tasted
victory together.2
Something of the same kind may be seen among some Asiatic
peoples. The Kalmuck poet gives the measurements and materials
of Dzhangar's great spear :
The guardian of his life, his spear,
With its shaft of sandalwood,
Is made of six thousand stocks of that wood.
Its striking point is made
From three hundred and fifty clamped roes' horns,
But on it is woven a cover
Wound of six thousand sheep tendons.
The point of the spear is of diamond.
It has sixteen blades,
Crushing with terror every living thing.3
Everything in the heroic world of the Kalmucks is on a large scale,
and this spear conforms to accepted standards, but despite its size
it is built on a real model and shows that the poet knows about
weapons. With this spear we may compare the gun of the Kara-
Kirghiz Manas. It may sound more modern, and perhaps it is,
but to the poet it is hardly less wonderful. It deals death in a
way worthy of its master, and his affection for it is shown by its
having a name " Ak-kelte " :
His right eye shoots flames —
Bullets pour out from Ak-kelte,
A hot coal flies from his left eye —
Bullets pour out from Ak-kelte !
1 Beowulf, 1460-64. 2 Roland, 2316-37.
3 Dzhangariada, p. 98.
153
HEROIC POETRY
Indifferent is Ak-kelte,
Be the enemy far or near,
It throws the enemy in the dust !
A heart of steel has Ak-kelte !
Its muzzle brings death.
Thicker than fog smoke comes from it.
Its aim is a marvel, its bullets death ! l
The hero's weapon is both an instrument and an emblem of his
terrible power. It rounds off his nature and helps him to fulfil
his potentialities.
j^Jli a hero pursues his projects on the sea, he needs a ship, and
though ships are not very common in heroic poetry, they are to be
found in it and provide interesting cases of realistic description.
Of course a hero knows both how to make a ship and how to sail
it : that is part of his general competence and mastery of affairs^
He is both craftsman and mariner and does by his own knowledge
and wits what sorcerers like Vainamoinen do by spells. If need
arises, he can build a boat to compete with the best. He may even
have to build something out of the ordinary, and then he has a
chance to display his accomplishment. This is true of Odysseus.
On the remote island of Ogygia, whose only other inhabitant is a
goddess, he hears that he may at last go home, and for this he has
to build himself some kind of craft. There is no one to help him,
and all that he has is an abundance of well-seasoned wood which
will float easily. Calypso vaguely tells him to build a raft, and we
might expect that he would make something very simple and
primitive, but in fact Odysseus is too good a sailor and too cunning
a workman to be content with that. What he builds is in fact a
seaworthy boat which can be controlled by one man. He first
cuts twenty planks and shapes and smoothes them. Then he sets
to work as boat-builders still do in Greece. With gimlet and
hammer he fastens together a hull, to which he adds decks fore
and aft in the usual Homeric manner. Then he fits it with ribs
and planks, sets in it a mast with a yard-arm, and adds a rudder.2
So far the craft is the usual Homeric ship, though doubtless built
on a small scale, since it has only to take a crew of one. On the
whole this is the kind of ship depicted on Geometric vases of the
eighth century B.C., though there is no evidence that it has any-
thing like the ram with which, for purposes of war, they were
fitted. Nor is it clear that Odysseus' mast resembles other
Homeric masts in being fitted with a box which enables it to be
taken down when sails are useless and oars must be taken up
1 Manas, p. 327. 2 Od. v, 246-57.
154
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
instead. Odysseus intends to sail and has no oars. In another
point Odysseus goes his own way. He puts a fence round the
boat to prevent it being swamped, and this device is still used
in Greece. Leake saw a gunwale enveloped with withies " to
protect it from the waves or from the danger of a sudden heel ".*
Odysseus knows his job and does it skilfully. It is not his fault if
he is wrecked ; that is the doing of Poseidon, god of the sea.
A second early craft is the remarkable ark described mGilgamish,
which Uta-Napishtim builds at the command of the gods. Though
this Babylonian Noah is not a hero in the same sense as Gilgamish,
he is an important person who takes part in great events. The
gods warn him that a deluge is coming and give him orders :
" Pull down a dwelling and fashion a vessel ;
Abandon possessions and seek life ;
Disregard thy hoard and save life.
Embark every creature on thy vessel.
The vessel which thou art to fashion,
Let its measure be apt, and its length to match,
Launch it on the deep." 2
Uta-Napishtim did what he was told, and later, with a craftsman's
pride, tells Gilgamish how he built the vessel :
" On the fifth day I laid out the shape ;
Her sides were a hundred and twenty cubits high,
And her deck a hundred and twenty cubits long.
I laid down the shape of her fore-part and fashioned it.
Six times I cross-pinned her,
Sevenfold I divided her deck,
Ninefold I divided her inwards.
I hammered the caulking within her,
I found a measuring pole.
All that was needful I added,
I smeared the hull with six shar of bitumen
And I smeared the inside with three shar of pitch." 3
The result is that the ark survives the deluge, and Uta-Napishtim
and his family are the only human beings who do not perish. It is
clear that the poet of Gilgamish takes as professional an interest
as Homer in ship-building. Both poets see that on occasions like
these the great man must be able to beat craftsmen at their own
craft.
LThe hero both makes his boat and sails it. The poet of
Beowulf appreciates the point and makes his hero first build his
1 Travels in the Morea, i, p. 499, quoted by H. Michell in Classical Review,
Ixii (1938), p. 44.
2 Gilgamish, xi, i, 24-30. 3 Ibid. 56-66.
HEROIC POETRY
ship and then put it to sea. Beowulf sets about it methodically.
He chooses his companions and his expert pilot, and between them
the ship is built and launched :
He had, good man, from the Geatish people
Champions chosen, of those that keenest
Might be found : with fourteen else
The sound -wood he sought ; a sailor shewed them,
A lake-crafty man, the land-marks.
On time went ; on the waves was their ship,
A boat under bergs. The boys all ready
Stepped on the stem ; the stream was washing
The sound on the sand ; those seamen bare
Into the breast of the bark bright adornments,
Wondrous war-armour ; well out they shoved her,
(Wights willing to journey) with wooden beams bounden.
Went then over the waves, as the wind drave her,
The foamy necked floater, to a fowl best likened.1
At first sight perhaps the mannerisms of Anglo-Saxon poetry may
conceal the essential realism and truthfulness of this description,
but it is soon clear that Beowulf knows his job and attacks it with
confidence and competence^ The same of course is true of Odys-
seus. When he leaves Calypso's island on his new craft, he sets
out on unknown seas and has to find his own course without charts
or information of any kind. He proceeds in a quiet, purposeful
way. He spreads his sails and catches the wind, which carries him
along, while he sits and steers. He guides himself mainly by the
stars, watching the Pleiades and Bootes and being careful to observe
Calypso's instruction to keep the Bear on his left. So for seven
days and nights he sails.2 Homer presents the action simply, but
it is clear that Odysseus' seamanship has no flaws. A third member
in the trio of heroes who both build boats and manage them is
Gilgamish. When he comes to the Waters of Death, he meets
Ur-Shanabi, the boatman of Uta-Napishtim, who tells him to
build a boat, and Gilgamish sets about at once to do so :
He took the axe in his hand,
And drew the glaive from his belt,
Went to the forest and fashioned poles of five gar,
He made knops of bitumen and added sockets. . . .
Gilgamish and Ur-Shanabi fared forth in the vessel,
They launched the boat on the waves,
And themselves embarked on her, 3
As they draw near to the other side, the navigation becomes
difficult, and the poet realistically describes how Ur-Shanabi makes
Gilgamish take soundings with his pole until they make a safe
1 Beowulf, 205-18. 2 Od. v, 269-78. 3 Gilgamish, x, iii, 44-8.
156
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
landing. Heroes are good sailors because it is part of their job to
know how to build and manage boats, and when the poets tell of
this, they make the details convincing, so that those in the audience
who know the sea will be suitably interested.
More important than a hero's boat, and perhaps more import-
ant even than his armour, is his horse. No animal invites so
technical or so discriminating a knowledge or excites stronger
affection and admiration. Heroic poets know about horses and
study them with professional appreciation. In heroic societies
the horse has more than one function. It is in the first place an
article of wealth. A man is known by the quantity and quality of
his horses and is naturally proud of them. If raiding is still an
honourable pursuit, horses are among the first objects of loot. In
the second place, the horse is invaluable in war — the hero's most
trusted friend, which may often save him in dangerous situations
and provide inestimable service in overcoming his enemies. When
war gives place to games or other tests of prowess, horse- racing is
one of the most favoured ways for heroes to compete against each
other. In the third place, a knowledge of horses is one of the
most prized branches of knowledge. The man who really knows
about them is respected as few other men are, and, conversely,
ignorance of them invites contempt. These elements are constant
in heroic,poetry, since they represent a natural attitude, and, though
there are interesting variations on them, they exist in most
countries and follow similar lines.
By universal consent one of the most important things about a
horse is its pedigree, and, just as heroes are superior to other men
through their lineage, so their horses are superior to other horses
by their birth and resemble their masters in a divine origin or at
least in having been trained by gods, like the horses of Eumelus at
Troy, which are second only to those of Achilles, swift as birds and
alike in their coats, age, and height, and worthy of the nurture
which Apollo gave them in Perea.1 Sigurth's horse, Grani, was
given to him when he was a boy by Othin and was sprung from
Othin's own horse, Sleipnir.2 Other horses have origins even more
remarkable, like the horse of Manas, which is called Ak-kula and
reveals its unusual birth in its behaviour :
If night without moon is on the earth,
If earth is lost in mist and gloom,
The horse's ears shine upon it,
As if lights were kindled in them !
A whirlwind made its mother pregnant.3
1 //. ii, 763-7. 2 V6lsungasaga, 13. 3 Manas, p. 326.
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HEROIC POETRY
Ak-kula is of the same breed as Achilles' horses, Xanthus and
Balios, " Brown " and " Dapple ", who fly with the winds and are
the children of the Harpy Podarge — "the Swift- footed " —
born by her to the West Wind when she fed in a meadow by the
streams of Ocean.1 Since horses travel as fast as the wind, it is
right to assume that they are sometimes its children. The delight-
ful Armenian horse, Dzhalali, has an even more mysterious origin.
When Sanasar dives into the sea and finds a splendid dwelling :
He sees ; a horse is tethered,
A horse with a saddle of mother-of-pearl.2
The Mother of God appears to him and tells him that the horse is
his. In such mysteries are the origins of great horses hidden.
The poetry of horses must be both convincing and charming,
if it is to do justice to them and their owners and show what great
men these are. But within these limits it can vary from expert
observation to rapturous fancy. Sometimes it is enough to
describe a real horse as it appears to those who know about horses.
So a Jugoslav poet describes the horse of the Turk, Bircanin
llija, with an eye to its speed and beauty :
'Twas an Arab steed of fiery temper,
White as is the snow upon the mountains ;
Had it no caparison or harness
From the snow it ne'er could be distinguished ;
If it did not stamp its feet, or whinny
In its equine converse with the dapple,
Didst thou not perceive the glaring eyeball
That was from its noble head protruding —
With a single blow it might be severed
And the sabre would not touch the forehead ! —
Easily 'twould pass thee by unnoticed. 3
If we wish to see a real battle-horse in the grand manner, it is the
charger which Archbishop Turpin took from an enemy slain in
Denmark and rides into battle against the Saracens. The poet
tells of it with care for its bone and breeding :
That charger is swift, and of noble race ;
Fine are his hoofs, his legs are smooth and straight,
Short are his thighs, broad crupper he displays,
Long are his ribs, aloft his spine is raised,
White is his tail, and yellow is his mane,
Little his ears, and tawny all his face ;
No beast is there can match him in the race.*
1 //. xvi, 149-51. 2 David Sasunskii, p. 43.
3 Morison, p. 25. 4 Roland, 1651-8.
158
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
This is the right horse for a warrior in full armour. It lives up to
its form and is the Archbishop's valiant ally in his last desperate
battle.
Horses are not always portrayed realistically like this. Oriental
poets sometimes glorify the points of a horse with metaphor and
hyperbole. So The Stealing of the Mare, which is concerned with
a creature of surpassing beauty and rarity, gives proper emphasis
to it :
Spare is her head and lean, her ears set close together ;
Her forelock is a net, her forehead a lamp lighted,
Illumining the tribe, her neck curved like a palm branch,
Her wither clean and sharp. Upon her chest and throttle
An amulet hangs of gold. Her forelegs are twin lances,
Her hoofs fly forward faster ever than flies the whirlwind.
Her tail bone held aloft, yet the hairs sweep the gravel ;
Her height twice eight, sixteen, taller than all the horses.1
There is poetic licence in this, but it hardly extends beyond some
apt images, and in the main the poet knows his subject and bases
himself on fact. From this kind of eulogy it is but a small step to
something that sounds more unusual. The Kalmuck poet, who
glorifies Dzhangar, glorifies his horse with him and takes us into
what looks like a world of wonder. This is a Mongolian horse,
detailed with an abundance of Asiatic rhetoric :
Its neck, like a swan's, is nine spans long,
Its blowing mane is not to be caught . . .
Its ears are like the lips of a water-lily,
Its eyes are bright as a hawk's,
Its teeth are white as clenched claws,
Its tusks are like piercing gimlets ;
Its croup is like that of a black bear,
Its curly brown-silver tail is eighty-one spans long,
Its step is light, its four black hoofs are like swords,
It will go without rest, it will not pause,
It will go through the world and not be overtaken.2
There is exaggeration in this, but not so much as there might seem
at first sight. The points made are real enough, but they are made
in the language of imaginative eulogy and suit the superhuman order
to which Dzhangar and everything that concerns him belong.
Since his horse means so much to him, a hero forms a special
intimacy with it. The Homeric heroes take their horses into their
confidence and appeal to them for generous help and utmost effort.
So Hector reminds his horses, Chestnut, Brightfoot, and Gleamer,
what good treatment they have received from himself and Andro-
1 Blunt, ii, p. 147. 2 Dzhangariada, p. 98.
'59
HEROIC POETRY
mache, how they have had abundance of barley and even of wine
given to them, and asks them now to repay this kindness.1 In his
household, horses receive special attention and are treated almost
as members of the family. He is on intimate terms with them and
speaks to them as old retainers. In the same way, but with no
appeal to benefits received, Achilles calls to his horses to go out
with him and rescue the body of Patroclus,2 and in the horse-race
at the funeral -games Antilochus urges his horses to defeat those of
Menelaus and threatens them that, if they lose, they will not only
get no food from Nestor but may even be killed.3 In this there is
an element of playful humour, suitable to the spirit in which the
games are conducted, but it is none the less intimate. The
Homeric heroes treat their horses as tried companions and expect
the most from them.
Something of the same kind may be seen at a more primitive
level in the Uzbek poems. When the hero, Alpamys, being only
fourteen years old, chooses a horse, he knows what he is doing and
picks one called Baichibar, who serves him all through his career.
When he is selected and mounted by the young hero, the horse is
assailed by powerful emotions :
Baichibar, like a dromedary, felt his knees sink,
From his eyes poured tears mixed with blood,
He pricked up his ears and three times made a mighty bound,
But Alpamys did not let him go.
He at once made him feel his immeasurable strength,
Baichibar now spoke a word to himself,
That on him there sits a man
Whom he cannot throw over his tail to his feet.
"It means that he is my master ",
Thought Baichibar and became quiet.*
Once the horse accepts its master as worthy of it, it becomes his
best and most faithful friend. The show of resistance at the start
shows that it too has a heroic nature and is not prepared to give
its devotion to any but the best commander. The Uzbek heroes
also treat their horses with a Homeric intimacy and remind them
of what they have done for them. Even if Khushkelli speaks with
oriental flamboyance and rotundity, his sentiments are not
ultimately very different from Hector's :
" I have given you human milk that you may be sharp-sighted
as a man,
I have given you mare's milk that you may outstrip all in my
people,
1 //. viii, 184-90. 2 Ibid, xix, 400.
3 Ibid, xxiii, 403-5. 4 Zhirmunskii-Zarifov, p. 356.
1 60
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
I have given you cow's milk that your mouth may be like a calf's,
I have given you mule's milk that your spirit may be strong,
I have given you jennet's milk that you may know the way like
a jennet,
I have given you sheep's milk that you may be gentle as a sheep,
I have given you goat's milk that you may always leap like a goat,
I have given you camel's milk that you may carry loads patiently
like a camel,
I have given you dog's milk that you may go forward like a dog,
I have given you snake's milk, that you may crawl forward like
a snake,
I have given you chamois' milk that you may climb slopes like
a chamois,
I have given you deer's milk that you may be keen of sight as
a deer,
I have given you bear's milk that you may be brave as a bear." l
This by no means exhausts the catalogue. The poet has of course
an ulterior purpose in using this elaborate device. It may serve a
use in the narrative, but it also helps to enumerate all the qualities
which a warrior would like to have in his horse. None the less it
shows, in however exaggerated a manner, what the warrior is
prepared to do for his horse to make it surpass all other horses in
his heroic world.
One of the most remarkable relations between a hero and his
horse is that between Marko Kraljevic and Sarac. Sarac plays a
large part in the varied adventures of his master and is inseparable
from him. There is nothing that Marko will not do for his horse.
He gives it wine to drink, embraces and kisses it, promises it
horseshoes of gold and silver, and conversely threatens it with
hideous punishments. The result is that there is little that Sarac
cannot do. In pursuit of a Vila or mountain-spirit it leaps the
length of three spears into the air. It treads down its master's
enemies in battle, and, while Marko engages a Moor in fight, goes
for the Moor's horse, puts its teeth into it, and tears off its right
ear. When Marko and Sarac both grow old, they go out together
and, when Sarac stumbles and sheds tears, Marko knows that no
good awaits them. So he addresses Sarac in affectionate words :
" What ails, Sarac ? My good horse, what ails thee ?
We have shared a hundred years and sixty,
Never yet till now has thy foot failed thee,
But to-day thou stumblest as thou goest,
And, God knows, no good thing this forebodeth.
Of us twain, the one will lose his head, sure,
Be it my head or be it thine haply." 2
1 Idem, p. 359. 2 Karadzic, ii, p. 405.
161
HEROIC POETRY
Knowing that his own end is near, Marko kills and buries Sarac,
that he may not fall into the hands of the Turks and " carry their
copper water-pots ". A hero like Marko is more intimately
affectionate with his horse than with any human companion.
Naturally enough, in such conditions horses develop their
characters, which, so far as loyalty and courage are concerned, are
often the equal of their masters'. So Sigurth's horse, Grani,
resembles him in its unflinching loyalty and taste for great adven-
tures. It will do for him what it will not do for another. So when
Gunnar mounts it and tries to pass through the flames to Brynhild,
Grani refuses to move, but, when Sigurth mounts it, it goes at
once. When he is killed, Grani is the first to lament him, as
Hogni notices :
" The gray horse mourns by his master dead." l
Grani is a heroic horse of the truest breed. The Armenian horse,
Dzhalali, is a family horse which serves and survives several
generations. It is ready to do quite menial duties and does them
with great success, as when unguided it carries the infant David
from Armenia to Egypt. It is full of cunning as well as strength,
and when the Sultan of Egypt tries to imprison it behind a high
wall, Dzhalali is more than equal to the occasion :
Then Melik's eyes began to flame.
He said :
" Ho ! shut the doors fast !
If the horse Dzhalali falls into our hands,
We shall keep it ! "
They shut the doors, and in that same moment
A hundred horsemen surrounded the horse,
And wished to catch it.
Then the stallion Dzhalali said to itself :
" O Lord ! how shall I escape ? "
He leaped to the left, he leaped to the right,
He flew to the wall.
He prayed : " Lord, give me strength to leap over the wall.
I shall not escape — I shall be lost here."
Then the leaping horse Dzhalali gathered his strength,
And the people could not stop him.
There was a wall eight feet high,
But the leaper leaped, leaped over it
And vanished in the distance.2
This is the way in which a hero, placed in similar circumstances,
would like to behave. The horse Dzhalali is so well trained to
heroic actions that it knows what to do in an unforeseen crisis.
1 Brot af Sigurtharkvithu, 7, 3. 2 David Sasunskii, p. 140.
162
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
In such matters as houses, gardens, weapons, ships, and horses
heroic poets practise on the whole a realistic art, using these
elements of common life to add to the persuasiveness and solidity
of their narratives. But this task is matched by another of an
opposite kind. Heroic tales often deal with the unknown or the
impossible, which have to be made credible to the audience.
This too demands a kind of realism. Untutored fancy must be
guided by a keen sense of how such things would happen. Situa-
tions of which the poet and his audience know nothing must be
woven into the text of the poem without too great a jump from
ordinary life to impossible fancy. The treatment of horses may
illustrate this just as it illustrates the needs of ordinary life. We
pass almost imperceptibly from the possible to the impossible.
It is an easy assumption that a horse is capable of thinking and
feeling, and it is but a small step to making it interpret its master's
fears and desires. So a Kalmuck horse sees what its master wants
and acts accordingly :
His swift grey horse heard these words in his mind.
It lifted its fore-legs under its chin,
It jumped over three high hills one after the other,
It raised its beautiful hind-legs up to its tail and bolted,
It bolted and from behind it, like a rifle bullet,
With a whistle fly clods of earth from its hoofs.
To the sky whirls in twelve streams
Cloudy red dust from its four beautiful hoofs.
Beautiful as a sea-shell
The foam rises on its head.1
Despite the exaggeration, the main effect is realistic and convincing,
since this is a very superior horse from whom much is to be
expected. So too when Marko Kraljevic hears that the Turks are
exacting a marriage-tax from the people of Kosovo, he gets into a
fury which he communicates to his horse :
Urging Sarac he went to Kosovo,
And he spurred good Sarac into fury,
From his hoofs a living flame came flashing,
And a blue flame rose up from his nostrils.2
Beneath the lively fancy is the sensible notion that a horse knows
what its master wants and does its best to please him.
Exaggeration of a horse's performances may be carried quite
far, especially when it comes to their covering wide stretches of
country at a great speed. Just as Russian horses think little of
leaping from mountain to mountain or crossing rivers and lakes at
1 Dzhangariada, p. 119. 2 Karadzic, ii, p. 387.
163
HEROIC POETRY
one stride, so Uzbek horses are similarly gifted :
If he meets a ravine, he jumps over it ;
If he meets a hill-side, he passes it ;
If he meets a level place, he makes play with it
If he meets a river, he springs over it ;
If he meets a gully, he leaps over it.
or
Holes and low places he does not notice,
On the road he pays no attention to them.1
Natural obstacles present little trouble to heroic horses and tend to
inspire rather than to discourage them. So Dzhalali, the horse
of David of Sasoun, deals lightly with distances and atmospheric
disturbances :
When David set out on his journey,
So thick a fog fell on the earth
That he could not see the way anywhere.
But like a dove Dzhalali flew through the fog.
" This is the work of God's hand ",
Said David,
" It is better now to give rein
To my horse Dzhalali
To race wheresoever he will."
Such is Dzhalali ! He flew and flew
And accomplished a seven days' journey in an hour.
He lighted on the peak of a mountain,
He leaped on the crest of a mountain, and stood still.
Suddenly the fog flew away.2
The horse may be subject to its master's will but it does much that
is beyond his powers, and in describing how this happens the poets
provide some charming variations on the old theme of the rider
and his mount.
If a horse can do such feats in the course of an ordinary
journey, it is capable of even more when its master's honour is to
be tested by battle or something else equally stringent. Such a
test may be a wager between two heroes on the relative worth of
their horses, and in the ensuing contest the better horse wins, and
with it the better master. The Russian poet, for instance, tells of
the wager between Dyuk Stepanovich and Churilo Plenkovich
and of the part which their horses play in it :
Then Dyuk bestrode his good steed,
And rode with young Churilo Plenkovich
Over the glorious, free, open plain ;
And they rode away beyond the free, open plain,
1 Zhirmunskii-Zarifov, p. 371. 2 David Sasunskii, p. 236.
164
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
With their whole equine strength,
And leapt across the river, mother Dnepr,
On their good heroic steeds ;
Young Dyuk Stepanovich, the prince's son,
He leapt across the river, mother Dnepr,
On his good heroic steed,
And with a single equine bound
He leapt quite a whole verst beyond ;
And he looked over his right shoulder,
When his comrade did not follow him,
Young Churilushka Oplenkovich,
Churilo Plenkovich had gone splash into the middle
of the Dnepr.1
Much of the phraseology here comes from the ordinary mechanics
of equitation, but the episode has a new point because the horse is
treated as a superequine creature with very unusual gifts.
If a horse can think, it is but a small step to make it speak.
It is only another sign of the close intimacy which exists between
the mount and its rider. In shamanistic poetry this is common
enough. The Tibetan Kesar is saved from disaster by his horse's
prescience,2 and in the poems of the Abakan Tatars horses often
speak.3 The belief passes easily into heroic poetry where the horse
has many of the qualities of its master and is often superior to
him in constancy and courage. At times it keeps him to the mark
by resolving his fears and doubts. So in the Kazak Sain Batyr,
when the hero prepares himself for a dangerous enterprise, he has
some misgivings, but his horse resolves them for him :
He took out his saddle and saddle-cover,
Calling on God he went to his horse ;
When he put on the saddle and saddle-cover,
When he tightened the girth,
The horse opened its mouth,
It spoke like a man :
" Sain, hero, be not afraid !
Flee not, because they are many.
The strength that God has given thee,
Display it on this quest !
The outspread hosts,
If thou severest them not, it is thy fault !
If I let myself fall before the arrows, it is my fault.
I will advance blithely,
I will go gracefully like a maiden." 4
Hero and horse make, as it were, a bargain on how to behave in
battle and agree that, if each does his part properly, all will be well.
1 Rybnikov, i, p. 108 ; Chadwick, R.H.P. p. 113. * David-Neel, p. 107.
3 Cohn, p. 40 ff., p. 80 ff. 4 Radlov, iii, p. 253 ; cf. Orlov, p. 61.
'65
HEROIC POETRY
The admirable Armenian horse, Dzhalali, addresses David with
the privileged frankness of an old family retainer. David is a
brave fighter, but has reasonable fears about the outcome of the
battle which awaits him. Dzhalali will have none of them and chides
him, promising that he need have no doubts so far as his horse is
concerned :
" Ah, man of little faith, why this fear ?
As many as your sword shall smite,
So many shall I scorch with my fiery breath !
As many as your sword shall smite,
So many shall I throw down with my breast !
As many as your sword shall smite,
So many shall I crush with my hoofs !
Lose not heart ! Spur me on !
You shall not be parted from me." l
With such a partner the hero has little to fear. David's confidence
is restored, and he goes gaily to battle.
When danger is afoot, horses are often quicker to detect it than
their masters. The Tatar poets often dwell on this point and
like to show a horse's intelligence at work. It is credited with
insight and knowledge beyond its master's, and is often able to
warn him of danger ahead or to inform him of something of which
he is ignorant. When a Kazak hero wishes to go on an expedition,
his horse warns him against it :
The Busurman Tsar went on a journey,
Vasyanka went in pursuit of him.
Then his good horse spoke to him
In a clever human voice :
" Go not, Vasinka, unarmed,
Go not to the people of the Busurmans,
The people of the Busurmans are crafty and cunning :
We can neither of us live among them/' 2
So, when the Russian Dobrynya is long absent from home, and
his wife, in the belief that he is dead, is about to marry Alyosha
Popovich, his horse somehow knows it and breaks the news to
its master :
Now Dobrynya chanced to be at Tsargrad,
And Dobrynya's horse stumbled :
" Oh, you food for wolves, you bear's skin !
Why are you stumbling to-day ? "
The good steed addressed him,
Addressed him in human voice :
" Ah, my beloved master !
1 David Sasunskii, p. 240. 2 Orlov, p. 37.
1 66
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
You see not the misfortune which has befallen you ;
Your young wife Nastasya Nikulichna
Has married bold Alyosha Popovich ;
They are holding a feast for three days ;
To-day they go to holy Church,
To receive the crowns of gold.'* I
Sometimes the hero gets annoyed when his horse warns him of
danger, as Ilya of Murom does when his horse stumbles on the way
to Nightingale the Robber.2 But the horse, being a good servant,
does not complain and continues bravely to do what is expected
of it.
Even when it is parted from its master a horse will keep its
loyalty and intelligence and power of speech. Marko 's horse,
Sarac, shows itself at its best in the episode of his master's
encounter with Philip the Magyar. Marko is drinking in a tavern
and Sarac stands on guard outside, when Philip comes up and
tries to force his way inside, horse and all. Sarac rises to the
occasion :
By the tavern door was Sarac tethered.
Philip urged his gray Arab mare onward,
He would have her enter the new tavern,
But the war-horse Sarac would not let him.
With his hoofs upon her ribs he struck her ;
Then Philip the Magyar waxed in anger,
He took up his studded mace, and with it
Made to smite Sarac before the tavern.
But Sarac cried out before the tavern :
" God of mercy, woe is me, who must now
Meet my death this morning by the tavern
At the hands of great Philip the Magyar,
When my famous lord is not far distant ! " 3
Marko tells Sarac to let Philip pass, with the result that Marko
cuts off Philip's head. Sarac shares his master's recklessness and
gaiety. He is not afraid to cry out when he sees danger, but even
at the most critical moments he keeps his wits and remains in
command of himself and his circumstances.
It is not always easy for a man to win the confidence of a horse.
He must first prove his worth and his claims and show that he is
likely to be a worthy master. When David of Sasoun first finds
the horse Dzhalali, which belonged to his father, Mher, and has
been hidden away for years, he has to impress his personality on a
creature which has its full share of heroic pride and independence.
Dzhalali does not know who David is and is not impressed by him
1 Rybnikov, i, p. 165 ; Chadwick, R.H.P. p. 84.
2 Rybnikov, i, p. 17. 3 Karadzic, ii, p. 325.
167 M
HEROIC POETRY
at his first appearance. He is naturally suspicious and takes some
convincing before he is ready to co-operate :
Dzhalali saw that it was not Mher before him.
The horse thundered with its hoofs on the earth,
And fire spurted from the earth.
In human speech the horse spoke :
" You are dust, and to dust I shall turn you !
What are you going to do with me ? "
David said : " I shall sit on your back ! "
Dzhalali speaks : " I shall lift you up to the height,
I shall strike you on the sun and burn you up ! "
David said : " I shall turn round
And hide under your belly ! "
The horse said : " Then I shall fall on a mountain,
I shall let you fall, I shall cut you to pieces on a crag ! "
David said : " I shall return,
And I shall sit on your back ! "
The horse said : " If that is so,
You are my master, and I am your horse ! "
David answered the horse :
" You have not had a master, but I will be he !
They have not fed you or watered you, but I will feed and water
you !
They have not combed you, but I will comb you and soap you ! " l
By this kind of persuasion Dzhalali is broken in and becomes
David's faithful servant.
When its master dies, a horse feels that its life is ended and has
no meaning. When Manas is killed, his horse is inconsolable :
Manas' horse, the cream-coloured,
By the ground of the day-dwelling,
By the ground of the night-dwelling,
Gurgled and drank not water,
Foamed and ate not grass.
On its ribs black flies gather.
It howls and stands by the house,
Lies down by the grave of Manas,
Is parched like a stone image.
On the ground of the day-dwelling,
On the ground of the night-dwelling,
It neighs and looks at the sky.2
Indeed so great is the grief of Manas' horse and of the hawk and
the hound with it, that God sends angels down to ask its cause, and
this leads to Manas' resurrection. Here indeed the horse does not
actually speak, though we might presume that its grief is too great
for words. What a horse may feel about a lost master can be seen
1 David Sasunskiiy p. 231 ff. z Radlov, v, p. 123.
168
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
from the Bulgarian Warrior and Horse, which tells how a warrior
lies dead, with a bullet in his breast, while hawks fly above, and his
white horse beats the earth with its hoofs and calls him :
" Rise up quickly, my brave master,
Set your foot in the steel stirrup,
Stretch your hand forth to the bridle.
Mother at your home laments you,
Day and night she weeps in sorrow ;
No more will you leap, my hero,
At late eve or early morning,
Out of tavern into tavern.
You will feast no more, my hero,
With your valorous companions —
In the cold grave you lie buried." l
The poet's simple and sincere imagination pictures the horse
lamenting for its master with the loyalty of a devoted servant.
Sometimes the theme of a horse's devotion inspires heroic
poetry to what is more than pleasant fancy. Sigurth's horse,
Grani, shares his dangers and triumphs and accompanies him in
his great undertakings. It is also with him at his death. In the
Second Lay of Guthnmy when Guthrun tells the story of this death,
she relates how she first discovered what had happened :
From the Thing ran Grani with thundering feet,
But thence did Sigurth himself come never ;
Covered with sweat was the saddle-bearer,
Wont the warrior's weight to bear.
Weeping I sought with Grani to speak,
With tear-wet cheeks for the tale I asked ;
The head of Grani was bowed to the grass,
The steed knew well his master was slain.2
The horse's silence is more effective and more moving than any
speech, and the poet shows how well he understands the human
experience behind the traditional theme of the faithful horse, as
he shapes it to a new success which is both close to common life
and yet profoundly tragic. Another striking variation on this
theme occurs in the Iliad. When at last Achilles goes again to the
battlefield, Homer prepares with care the preliminaries to the great
episode. After getting into his chariot, Achilles addresses his
horses and tells them that their task is to bring the body of
Patroclus back from the battlefield. Then the horse, Xanthus,
bows its head until its mane reaches the ground, and the goddess
Hera gives it a voice :
1 Derzhavin, p. 91. 2 Guthrunarkvitha, ii, 4-5.
169
HEROIC POETRY
" In very truth shall we save you this time, O mighty Achilles ;
Yet is the day of your doom very near ; and truly in no wise
Are we to blame, but a powerful god and masterful fortune.
Nay, it was not because we were sluggish or slow that the Trojans
Stripped the armour away from the shoulders and breast of
Patroclus ;
Nay, but the noblest of gods, who has fair-haired Leto for mother,
Slew him among the foremost and gave great glory to Hector.
As for us, we could race as fast as the breath of the West Wind,
Whom they say is the lightest of winds ; but you shall in battle
Meet your death from a god and a man ; for so is it fated." l
Homer moves with consummate skill from the ordinary theme of
a hero driving to battle to a forecast of his death from his horse.
With his Greek moderation and wisdom he first makes the horse
understand what Achilles says, and then he explains the miraculous
sequel by attributing it to a goddess. All is kept in hand ; for even
the prophetic words of the horse are explicable on the ancient
belief that horses have gifts of prophecy.2 The essential realism
of the scene is maintained when Achilles is angry with the horse
and tells it that he knows well of his impending doom but will
continue to fight until the Trojans have had enough of war.
Another testing subject with which a heroic poet has to deal
is monsters. Though he almost certainly believes in their exist-
ence, he cannot know what they are like, but has none the less to
make them credible and fearful. Of course tradition helps him up
to a point, but tradition may be ill informed and not give him much
to work with. The situation is naturally quite different with
" literary " poets who present monsters in the full knowledge that
they are imaginary and that the play of imagination round them is
fully permissible. Camoens and Racine and Ariosto can produce
their monsters of the deep and describe them in lively detail
because no one will contradict. The same is also true of such
semi-allegorical figures as Virgil's Rumour and Milton's Sin. In
such cases what matters is the oddity of the presentation, the very
monstrosity of the monster, who, being outside actual experience,
is exempt from the laws of biology. With heroic poets it is
different. They believe that monsters exist and are fearful and
hideous, but beyond that they have little to guide them, and their
presentation of them is determined by these conditions. They
must somehow convince their audiences and create the right
degree of fear and horror.
The simplest way to present a monster is to assume that
1 //. xix, 408-18.
2 E. Samter, Volkskunde in Homer (Berlin, 1923), p, 89 ff.
170
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
everyone knows what it is and that it therefore needs no descrip-
tion. Such a method is legitimate when the poet and his audience
share some fundamental convictions about the supernatural
creatures which exist in the world. This is the case with the
Armenians whose poems are full of malignant devils. These play
a considerable part in the action and cause much trouble to the
heroes, but their appearance is not described, presumably because
the poet and his audience are sufficiently in agreement about it
for description to be unnecessary. What matters is not the devils'
appearance but their actions, and these the poets present realistic-
ally as human enough to be intelligible. This art may be illus-
trated from an episode in which the hero Mher deals with a devil.
He is prevented from drinking at a fountain by two of the devil's
servants and, after killing them, finds the devil's cave and his wife,
who falls in love with him and offers him help. He retires and
waits for his chance. Then the story proceeds and shows how the
White Devil, as he is called, behaves :
The White Devil drank and ate,
He got drunk. He wanted water.
Long, long he looked from the mountain ;
His water-carriers do not bring him water.
He says : " Has some ill chance befallen them ?
I scent that a human warrior has encountered them."
The White Devil got up and sat
On a whirlwind-horse, hurried to the spring,
He looks suddenly : on the path to his cave
Sits someone terrible like a mountain,
His fire-breathing horse pastures by him,
And beneath the rock groans a water-carrier.
The White Devil called out to Mher :
" Hey, human ! Neither birds on the wing nor snakes
on the belly
Fly hither or crawl hither.
How have you dared to come hither to me ? " l
Mher reveals his identity and says that he has come to fight. Then
the story comes rapidly to its end : the White Devil makes a
dishonest proposal :
" Aye, aye, it is good to visit here !
Arise, come into my dwelling,
We will feast till the morning.
We will fight it out afterwards ! "
" No ! " answered Mher. " My forefathers left me a testament.
Whenever you meet an enemy, delay not to fight with him."
1 David Sasunskii, p. 115.
171
HEROIC POETRY
Then the Devil drove his horse at Mher,
And Mher drove his horse at the Devil.
Three days and three nights they fought,
Neither achieved anything.
As soon as Mher seized the Devil,
He sank his hand into his body,
As if the Devil were made of dough.
Only on the third day did Mher kill him.1
Except for the neat touch that the Devil is made of a substance like
dough, his presentation is on recognisably human lines. He is a
sly and treacherous creature whose actions are sufficiently like
those of men not to require detailed description.
This is the simplest way to deal with monsters, but it is
possible only if the audience knows about them and does not ask
for fuller information. More often something lurid is expected,
but the poets are usually economical in what they say and do not
take too many risks. They conform to their own kind of realism
in dealing with these creatures of the unknown. The result is that
even when they seem to be presenting a clear picture, they leave
much vague and undescribed. Take, for instance, the Russian
poet's account of the monster, Tugarin, whom Alyosha Popovich
encounters :
" I have seen Tugarin the Dragon's son ;
Tugarin is twenty feet high,
The span between his sloping shoulders is seven feet,
Between his eyes is the width of a tempered arrow,
The horse beneath him is like a ferocious wild beast,
From his jaws pour burning flames,
From his ears comes a column of smoke." 2
All that Alyosha says is that Tugarin is of monstrous size and
belches flame and smoke. That is enough to make him formidable
and hideous, but leaves enough unsaid for him not to become
unconvincing. In other descriptions of Tugarin wings are added,
but an air of vagueness is maintained and probability is not
unduly outraged.
The poet of Gilgamish employs a similar art in a more accom-
plished manner when he tells of the expedition of Gilgamish and
Enkidu against Humbaba. He guards a forest of cedars, which
Gilgamish wishes to possess, and has been given special powers by
the Sun-god and the Storm-god, but his appearance and habits
are left vague. The poet tells of him :
1 David Sasuns kit, p. 116.
2 Kireevski, ii, p. 72. For other accounts cf. Sokolov, pp. 38, 42-4, 124.
172
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
To guard the Forest of Cedars,
To terrify mortals, Enlil has appointed him,
Has appointed Humbaba, whose roar is a whirlwind,
Flame is in his jaws, and his breath is death !
If in the forest he hears a tread on the road,
He asks " Who is this who comes to the Forest ? "
To guard the Forest of Cedars,
To terrify mortals, Enlil has appointed him,
And evil will seize whosoever comes to the Forest.1
Even when it comes to the fight between the heroes and Humbaba,
the poet is no more explicit. What wins the day is Gilgamish 's
prayer to the Sun-god who sends eight winds, against which
Humbaba is helpless. In his desperate straits, he behaves like a
man and asks for mercy :
" Gilgamish, stay thy hand.
Be thou now my master, and I will be thy henchman :
Regard not the words which I boastfully spoke against thee."
The offer is refused, and Humbaba's head is cut off. Though he is
a fearful brute, the poet makes him real partly by leaving him
vague, partly by making him behave like a human being. So the
main difficulties in his presentation are surmounted.
The method of Gilgamish is on the whole that of most heroic
poets. Of the many dragons who play a part in these stories very
few receive detailed attention. Indeed the poets seldom do more
than mention their fiery breath. So the Norse poet who tells of
Fafnir, the dragon slain by Sigurth, says no more than
The fiery dragon alone thou shalt fight
That greedy lies at Gnitaheith.2
Everyone will admit that a dragon is greedy and fiery, and the poet
feels no call to say more. Nor is the dragon of Beowulf character-
ised any more precisely, though he plays a considerable part and
causes the hero's death. He guards a hoard of gold, like Fafnir,
and attacks anyone who comes near, but though his attacks are
deadly, his method of delivering them is left vague. Indeed almost
his only characteristic is the belching of flames. On this the poet
dwells both when the dragon's peace is first disturbed :
Then the enemy began to spit forth embers,
To burn the bright houses ; a blazing light shone
Awful to all men ; 3
and when he comes out of his cave to fight Beowulf :
1 Gilgamish, ill, iv, 1-8. 2 Gripisspd, n, 1-2.
3 Beowulf, 2312-14.
173
HEROIC POETRY
Came then the burning one, bowed and creeping,
Speeding to his doom.1
In the last encounter the poet risks a little more. After all, he
has to tell how the dragon kills Beowulf and is itself killed. So he
plucks up his courage and says :
Then the tribe's scather a third time,
The fearsome fire-dragon, his feud remembered,
Rushed on that gallant one, when room he gave him,
Hot battle-grim all his neck he grasped
In bitter tooth-bones ; he bloodied was
With his soul's gore ; that sweat in streams gushed.2
The dragon, it seems, can bite, as well as breathe flame, but its
main outlines are still dim. It is a creature of horror and dread,
and there is no call to present it too concretely.
Dragons of course are familiar enough to the untutored
imagination and do not really require exact delineation. But
sometimes heroic poets have to deal with more unusual monsters.
Yet even in these cases they tend to follow the same technique and
to rely on vague horror and undefined dread. This is certainly
what the poet of Beowulf does for Grendel and his Dam, and in
so doing secures some of his greatest successes. What counts with
Grendel is not what he looks like but what he does, and on his first
appearance the poet is careful to stress this and nothing else :
The monster of unhealing,
Grim and greedy, was speedily yare,
Fierce and furious, and took from their beds
Thirty thegns.3
When Grendel returns to Hrothgar's hall and is engaged by
Beowulf in single combat, the air of mystery is maintained, as
befits an episode in the darkness of night. The monster seizes a
sleeping man, drinks his blood, and eats his flesh. Beowulf comes
to grips with Grendel and wrestles with him, eventually tearing off
his arm. But, beyond the fact that Grendel has an arm, little is
said about him. But the arm is used skilfully for poetic purposes.
It is nailed up for all men to see :
'Twas a token clear,
When that battle-hero the hand laid down,
The arm and the oxter (it was all there together,
GrendePs grip !) under the groined roof.*
A similar art is applied to GrendePs Dam, when Beowulf sees
her in her lair :
1 Beowulf, 2569-70. 2 Ibid. 2688-93.
3 Ibid. 120-23. 4 Ibid. 834-7.
174
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
The good one grew ware then of the ground-lying wolf,
A mighty mer-wife.1
Beowulf wrestles with her, as he did with Grendel, and finally cuts
off her head, but that is about all we hear about her. Such
monsters are the more monstrous for being kept mysterious.
In general, heroic poets treat monsters with a vagueness
tempered by realism, but there are some exceptions, for which we
can usually find a reasoru The Kazak poet who tells of Alpamys is
on the whole factual •'and realistic, but he lets himself go on a
revolting creature whom the hero destroys :
His breast is big as a shield,
His beak is high as a hill,
His single tusk is like a hoe,
His throat is like a huge grave.
Where he sits, he fills the space of a six-windowed dwelling.
His ears are like a warrior's shield,
His nose is like a crushed husk of millet,
His eyes are like deep darkness,
His footstep is like a flaming hearth,
His mouth is like a spit,
His single tusk is like a knife,
His nostrils are like a cave,
His chin is big as a basket.2
The poet, who knows what the real world is like, seems to have
tried to imagine a monster and to present him as he would actually
appear. Though some of his comparisons indicate no more than
size, others give visual impressions, and though these are not very
precise, they create a sufficient effect of hugeness and horror^ So
too in his Manas Orozbakov describes the giant, Malgun, who
guards the entry to China. No doubt he comes from ancient legend,
and the poet, who is sufficiently modern and aware of the difficul-
ties, does his best with him :
Only Malgun remained far off,
Suspicions crept into his soul.
Like a hillock is his head,
Like a house is his club,
Like thunder he coughs !
Malgun was brought hither
From the city of the giants.
Like walls are his shoulders ;
In the words of human speech
He has been taught by many khans.
They have placed him on guard,
Bullets do not pierce him ;
1 Ibid. 1518-19. * Orlov, p. 31.
HEROIC POETRY
An iron cuirass is on his body,
They have clothed him in a coat of steel !
The first on guard is Malgun,
A renowned sentry is Malgun.1
Compared with the Kazak monster, Malgun is a little prosaic and
ordinary, since Orozbakov is so eager to fit him into a human
scheme of things that he has been economical in mentioning his
monstrous characteristics. None the less he remains a formidable
and unusual creature, and we are naturally interested to hear how
the Kara- Kirghiz heroes, who rely on force of arms and skill of
hand to deal with their enemies, will treat him. The attack lasts
for six days, and even the great Alaman Bet is unable to pierce
with his spear into the giant's defences, since every stroke is
countered by his enormous club. Malgun's only weak point is
his neck, since this is not protected, and for this Alaman Bet and
young Syrgak eventually go, with the result that they cut it through
with a sword. Orozbakov gives reality to Malgun by the fight
with him, in which good blows are given on both sides and in the
end skill triumphs over magical defences. Malgun has his place
in the story because he represents the supernatural guards which
the Chinese use to defend their lands, but he is rightly defeated
by purely human strength, since anything else would be below the
level of the Kara-Kirghiz. To stress this little lesson the poet takes
care to make Malgun a formidable monster.
When a Yakut poet sets out to describe a demon, he works
in rather different circumstances, since the audience believe in
demons and accord them an important position in their religious
beliefs. No doubt he draws upon current views and trusts that
his picture will be accepted as convincing. The result is certainly
precise :
He had a single black leg,
Which grew like a pillar of bone ;
His huge crafty arm
Grew from his breast-bone.
He had only one eye
In the middle of his forehead,
Like a frozen pond.
The bridge of his nose was huge
As the back-bone of a lean ox.
His full beard resembled
An old breast-covering of bear-skin.
In the middle of his mouth
Gaped something like a gully,
1 Manas, p. 248 fF.
THE REALISTIC BACKGROUND
And there stood out six huge green teeth,
Each enormous as an axe,
And a dark tongue
Like a green spleen.1
Since the Yakuts believe in demons, the poet makes his monster
conform to their fears.
In this respect Homer too is an exception to the general
rule. He has not many monsters, but such as he has he deals with
in his own way. He has the clear Greek vision of visible things and
does not traffic in the vague or the indefinite. He essays the
difficult task of presenting monsters vividly to the eye and tries
to make them look real. Sometimes he calls up a terrible
appearance in the fewest possible words and leaves it at that, as
when the Chimaera, killed by Bellerophon, with its hybrid nature
and fiery breath, is dismissed in two lines :
Lion in front, with the back part a snake, and a goat in the middle,
Breathing the terrible breath of fire irresistibly flaming.2
The matter is dispatched so quickly that we have no time to suspect
absurdity or to ask more precisely what such a creature looks like.
So too when Odysseus' companions encounter a giantess among
the Laestrygonians, she is left impressively vague :
There was a woman as big as a mountain, and greatly they loathed
her.3
No more needs to be said, since the whole effect of appalling size
is conveyed by the loathing felt by the men for the giantess.
Scylla is less tractable. She is related to sea-monsters, and any
account of her must appeal to a love of sea-yarns and their terrors.
So Homer takes a big risk when he makes Circe describe Scylla,
who barks with a voice as loud as a new-born puppy's, and has
twelve feet, and twelve necks, on each of which is a head with
three rows of thick teeth set closely together.4 Scylla is a very
advanced version of a polyp, and the careful enumeration of her
limbs suggests a kinship with the giant squids and krakens of sea-
yarns. The Aegean world had its tales of sea-monsters and saw
them with a vivid imagination, as Minoan and Mycenean gems and
seals show.5 Homer may have learned something from this tradi-
tion, and here he does his best to use it. He takes a great risk, but
succeeds in surmounting it just because he is precise and exact.
In contrast with this bold experiment we may set Homer's
1 Yastremski, p. 27. 2 //. vi, 181-2.
3 Od. x, 113. 4 Ibid, xii, 85-94.
5 H. Dussaud, Les Civilisations prthelleniques (Paris, i9H)» P- 41? #•
177
HEROIC POETRY
treatment of the Cyclops, Polyphemus. He is a one-eyed, man-
eating giant, and the subject, though popular enough in legend and
folk-lore, needs tactful handling. Homer attacks the difficulties
with confident mastery, and depicts the monstrosity of Poly-
phemus with an unwavering grip on reality. When he is first seen,
he is sleeping among his flocks outside his cave :
There asleep was a man, gigantic, who used to look after
Flocks far away from the others, alone ; nor used he to mingle
With any others, but lived by himself, ferocious and lawless.
He was a monster, enormous in bulk, nor did he resemble
Men who live upon bread, but was like a forested headland
Jutting out among mountains, and seen apart from the others.1
Polyphemus is undeniably an awful creature, who acts up to form
when he eats Odysseus' comrades, after dashing them on the floor
" like puppies ". He has no friends even among his fellow
Cyclops, and is peculiarly loathsome when he falls into a drunken
sleep. Yet these horrible qualities have something human in
them, if only as a perversion or exaggeration of human failings.
Homer even makes Polyphemus almost win our sympathy when,
after his one eye has been put out, he addresses his ram affec-
tionately and asks it why it no longer goes first from the cave but
lags behind the flock. Polyphemus is convincing because he is,
for better and for worse, somehow human. What might have
been an impersonal ogre, a man-eating monster with no real
identity, becomes a primitive pastoral giant, disgusting and bestial,
but at times almost pathetic and always convincing.
Heroic poetry, then, gives verisimilitude and solidity to even
its most improbable themes, partly by making them fit into a
visible world, partly by relating them to common experience. It
enables its audiences to see miraculous events and monsters and
provokes certain feelings about them. Such episodes create an
immediate, vivid impression, and there is no doubt about what
impression the poet means to make. He is able to do this because
his art is always concerned with the vivid presentation of things
and events. Just because he is accustomed to describing armour
and houses and ships, he is able to describe other matters outside
his experience but not beyond his imagination. In this the very
simplicity of his outlook is a great asset. He sees things from a
single angle, without hesitations or qualifications, and is able to
give to them that unity of impression which makes them real.
1 Od. ix, 187-92.
V
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
No reader of heroic poetry can fail to notice that it abounds in
detailed descriptions of actions which are in themselves trivial,
and would be omitted by a novelist or narrative-poet working in
modern conditions. These are the mechanics of narrative and are
needed to keep the story coherent and objective. Without them
the audience might fail to follow what happens and might complain
that the poet does not do his job properly. But these passages can
be made attractive and illuminating and add their own kind of
poetry to the general effect. They do not draw too much attention
to themselves ; they are not show-pieces, but within their limita-
tions they can have an unobtrusive charm and increase our pleasure
by the light which they throw on the characters and the circum-
stances of their lives. Indeed the poets often go beyond the
immediate purpose of such passages and give some new turn or
unexpected decoration which we pause to enjoy. The different
branches of heroic poetry all employ them to some degree and
for very similar purposes, and in many cases what might be the
mere mechanics of narrative are turned to a genuinely poetical
end.
First, heroic poetry often deals with arrivals and departures.
The entrances and exits of its characters are usually treated with
care and precision. A hero comes as a stranger to some great
house and is welcomed and entertained, but the manner of his
arrival may illustrate the elaboration of heroic manners and the
way in which great men treat one another. Hospitality and
courtesy are heroic virtues and must be displayed even when they
do not mean very much for the story. So in Beowulf the hero
arrives in his ship with his company at a foreigrf sKbre. They are
seen by a"^uard who rides off to examine them. He explains
who he himself is and what his duties are, asks the visitors who
they are, admits that they are plainly no common folk, and urges
them to comply with the usual formalities. Beowulf gives a
courteous answer and explains that he comes on an errand of
friendship. The guard, without committing himself to accepting
all that Beowulf says, then guides the party to Hrothgar's hall,
179
HEROIC POETRY
where Wulfgar meets them, and again they are questioned. This,
it seems, is the correct procedure before introducing visitors to
the king's presence :
He hied then in haste where Hrothgar sate,
Old and hoary amid his band of earls.
He stepped forth, strong-hearted, till he stood by the shoulders
Of the Lord of the Danes. He knew the law of the doughty.1
Once in the presence of the king, Beowulf establishes his identity
and position. Hrothgar recognises him as a friend of his family
and makes a formal speech of welcome. He sees that Beowulf has
come to help him and offers him all that he has. In this arrival and
welcome there is a kind of ritual. The visitor must be identified
and questioned, and then, if his answers prove satisfactory, he is
received as an old friend. In a world where enemies are many,
some degree of caution is necessary, but it does not prevent the
host from behaving in a generous and princely manner.
In Homer there are many cases of strangers arriving at the
courts of princes, but there is a lack of such precautions as are
taken in Beowulfyas if the Homeric world in its islands and isolated
valleys had less fear of sudden incursions by enemies. In each
case much the same routine is followed. When a visitor arrives,
he is welcomed by his host, who is careful at first not to ask his
name. He is first washed and fed ; then the formalities take
place, and ties are found between the guest and the host. This is
the way in which Telemachus welcomes Athene when she comes
in disguise to Ithaca,2 and Menelaus welcomes Telemachus at
Sparta.3 This is also the procedure in more unusual circum-
stances. When Odysseus ventures into the palace of Circe, she
does not ask him who he is but gives him a drink which should
turn him into a beast. Then the ritual goes a little wrong.
Odysseus attacks her with his sword, as if intending to kill her,
and then she asks him who he is.4 The familiar frame is kept,
even if the proceedings are unusual. Another slight variation is
made with Odysseus' arrival in Phaeacia. He is thrown up from
the sea and borrows garments from the king's daughter, Nausicaa,
who guides him to the palace but modestly leaves him to make his
own entry. He walks straight in and kneels before the queen in
supplication.5 Despite the unusual circumstances, she behaves
with perfect correctness. Odysseus is washed and fed, and then
the questions come. This is of course a special case and receives
rather more than the usual treatment. But it shows how Homer
1 Beowulf, 356-9. 2 Od. i, 103 ff. 3 Ibid, iv, 20 ff.
4 Ibid, x, 312 ff. 5 Ibid, vii, 139 ff.
180
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
sees the human side of such an occasion and uses it to illustrate
the personalities of his characters.
Kara-Kirghiz poets resemble Beowulf and Homer in their
careful account of heroic arrivals. In one poem Alaman Bet
comes to the dwelling of the great Manas. A guard questions him
courteously but firmly, and Alaman Bet replies in the same tone
without revealing who he is :
" I seek nothing, I am a traveller,
I ask now about my way,
I come here from a land of princes,
Let word go to thy master,
I come here from a land of princes,
Let word go to thy master." 1
The guard admits Alaman Bet to Manas' presence, and Manas
asks him who he is. Alaman Bet replies at length with a family
history, and at the end of it reveals his name. The effect on Manas
is immediate. He answers shortly :
" If you are the son of Kara Khan,
If you are the hero Alaman Bet,
Now give me your hand." 2
The guest is welcomed as a friend, and Manas spares nothing to
make him at home and to load him with gifts. Just as the Homeric
heroes are feasted after arrival, so is Alaman Bet, for whom
Manas himself orders refreshment in the usual Kara- Kirghiz
style :
" Put the kettle quickly on the fire,
Then put fresh cream into it,
And sugar in it also,
And get good tea ready for us.
Put it before Alaman Bet !
Let him put hot food in his mouth
And have something to feast his eyes." 3
This is indeed a special occasion, since it is the beginning of the
great and lasting friendship between Manas and Alaman Bet, but
the poet uses for it the machinery which the Kara- Kirghiz use for
all arrivals of strangers. None the less what might be quite
insignificant gathers dignity and interest from the context in
which it is set.
Not all arrivals are as simple as this. A hero, however great,
may arrive in such a condition that his prospective host or hostess is
troubled and hardly knows what to do about him. The poet has
then to recast the traditional technique to meet such a disturbance
1 Radlov, v, p. 55. z Idem, p. 57. 3 Idem, p. 57.
181
HEROIC POETRY
in the usual routine. So, when Gilgamish, on his journey to
the end of the world, comes to the home of Siduri, the wine-
maker, she sees him coming and is thoroughly alarmed by his
weather-beaten, haggard appearance :
The wine-maker looked in the distance ;
She took thought with herself and said :
" This is one who would ravish a woman.
Whither does he advance ? . . ."
As soon as the wine-maker saw him, she barred the postern,
She barred her inner door, she barred her chamber.
Gilgamish hears the noise and speaks to her, asking why she has
shut the door, and she answers :
" Why is thy vigour wasted, thy countenance fallen ?
Thy spirit sunken, thy cheerfulness gone ?
There is sorrow in thy belly,
Thy face is of one who has gone a far journey,
With cold and heat is thy face weathered." l
Gilgamish does his best to ease her misgivings by telling her
something of his story. He explains that his woebegone air comes
not from his journey but from the death of Enkidu, of whom he
speaks in moving words at some length, thus telling her of his
quest for immortality. She takes up the subject with zest and
puts to him her own philosophy of living for pleasure and the
passing moment. The episode has an almost metaphysical
importance in the story of Gilgamish, but is introduced by an
ingenious variation on the familiar theme of a hero's arrival.
There are of course times when heroes meet with anything but
a courteous reception, but even then- the poets tend to observe
something of the familiar pattern, though they vary it to suit the
changed circumstances, as Homer does in his account of Odysseus
and the Cyclops. Odysseus comes uninvited into the Cyclops*
cave, when its owner is out with the flocks. When he returns, he
asks the usual questions — who are his visitors, where do they
come from, where is their ship. He asks them rudely and suggests
that the visitors are pirates. This justifies Odysseus in answering
as he does. He says, truly, that he comes from Troy, but, suspect-
ing the Cyclops' intentions, says untruly that his ship has been
wrecked. He does not yet say who he is, since convention demands
that that should wait until he has eaten. Instead of offering his
visitors food the Cyclops eats two of them, and then, according to
pattern, asks Odysseus who he is. Odysseus follows the rules and
1 Gilgamish, x, i, 15 ff.
182
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
answers, but again untruthfully, that his name is " No-man ", a
piece of deception which stands him in good stead later. Finally,
it is customary for hosts to give gifts to their guests, and Odysseus
hopes for one from the Cyclops. The theme is nicely developed
and reaches its climax when the Cyclops, beginning to get drunk
on the excellent wine which Odysseus has brought, says :
" I shall eat No-man the last, when the rest of the company's
finished,
After I've eaten the others, and this is the gift I shall give you." 1
In this episode the traditional elements are present, but put to a
new purpose to suit the brutal character of the Cyclops.
In another passage Homer adapts the traditional theme quite
differently but with no less success. When Priam goes to ransom
the body of Hector from Achilles, he faces great danger. Achilles
is the deadly enemy of Priam's house, and the old man goes alone
to him. He walks straight into the tent, where Achilles, who has
just eaten after his long fast, is with two companions. He does not
see Priam come in :
And Priam entering unperceiv'd till he well was among them,
Clasp 'd his knees and seized his hands all humbly to kiss them,
Those dread murderous hands which his sons so many had slain.
As when a man whom spite of fate hath curs'd in his own land
For homicide, that he fleeth abroad and seeketh asylum
With some lord, and they that see him are fill'd with amazement.
Ev'n so now Achilles was amaz'd as he saw Priam enter,
And the men all were amaz'd and lookt upon each other in turn.2
Both Priam and Achilles know who the other is, and there is no
need for questions about names. Moreover, Priam comes on a very
special and dangerous errand. So he does the wisest and safest
thing in taking up the position of a suppliant, which entitles him
to certain rights of sanctuary. He at once declares the nature of
his errand, and Achilles is moved by the old man's pathos and in
due course agrees to yield Hector's body. All this is unusual and
outside the conventional course. But once the agreement about
the body has been reached, convention asserts itself. Achilles
insists that his guest shall have supper and spend the night in his
quarters. Even in these conditions the heroic code of manners is
maintained.
jHpepartures are no less decorous than arrivals and are treated
with the same degree of detail. Beowulf presents a pattern which
may be paralleled elsewhere. When Beowulf leaves Hrothgar, the
1 Od. ix, 369-70. 2 //. xxiv, 477-84. Trs. Robert Bridges.
183 N
HEROIC POETRY
episode is treated at some length. First speeches are interchanged,
Beowulf speaking first and saying how ready he is to return at any
time when he is needed, and Hrothgar declaring his affection for
Beowulf. Next, handsome gifts are presented, and the friends
part :
Kissed then the King well-born,
Baron of Shieldings, that best of thegns,
And clasped his neck ; coursed his tears,
That hoary beard. Both things he looked for,
Ancient and old, but one thing rather,
That, some time, each might see the other,
Proud minds in a meeting.1
Beowulf and his party then proceed to their ship and are greeted
by the same guard who challenged them on their arrival. Beowulf
gives a gold-mounted sword to the man who watches over the ship,
goes aboard, and sails off. It is an elaborate ceremony in which
each stage is traditional and correct but hasjalso its human interest,
whether in Hrothgar's genuine affection for Beowulf, or Beowulf's
noless genuine desire to help him, "or the delight which Beowulf's
company take In their gifts, or the courtesy of the guard. In a sense
the whole episode is unnecessary for the story. Beowulf has killed
the monsters, and there is nothing left for him but to go home.
The poet might have dismissed him in a few lines, but he has good
reasons for preferring an expansive manner. It gives a dignified
close to the adventures which have taken place and enables him
to stress certain points about the way in which heroes behave. 7
Homer uses a not dissimilar pattern for the departures of his
heroes. It consists of the presentation of gifts, the delivery of
speeches, the pouring of libations, and the provision of transport.
When Telemachus leaves Sparta, Menelaus offers to give him a
silver bowl with gold edges and a chariot with three horses.2
When Odysseus leaves Phaeacia, he is loaded with rich gifts and
put on a miraculous ship which goes its own way without sails or
oars.3 Just as Menelaus makes a farewell speech and pours a
libation to the gods, so Alcinous makes a speech in which he asks
his companions to make a last contribution of gifts and performs a
sacrifice and a libation to Zeus. When the formalities are con-
cluded, the actual departure is made quickly. Telemachus whips
up his horses ; Odysseus wraps himself up on board and goes to
sleep. The general pattern is the same, but Homer introduces
small differences which illustrate the idiosyncrasies of his char-
acters. While Telemachus is modest about both gifts and trans-
1 Beowulf, 1870-76. 2 Od. iv, 589 ff., 615 ff.
3 Ibid, xiii, 8 ff., 81 ff.
184
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
port, Odysseus shows no such restraint, and while Menelaus is the
old family friend, Alcinous is a little ostentatious and pleased with
himself for treating his guest so well. So too with their wives.
While Arete provides Odysseus with homely necessities like food
and wine, Helen interprets omens to mean that all will soon be well
in Ithaca and the Suitors destroyed. In both cases unimportant
occasions are enriched with significant details, and the heroes are
sent on their way in proper style.
In these cases the hero is simply going home. When he sets
out from home on some perilous quest, a somewhat different
technique is used. On such occasions prayers and good wishes are
needed, and the poets do not omit them. So when Priam prepares
to ransom the body of Hector from Achilles, he is told by his wife,
Hecuba, to pour a libation to Zeus before he starts. He does this
in due form and utters a prayer with it.1 When Gilgamish and
Enkidu depart to destroy the ogre Humbaba, they are seen off by
the elders of Erech, who give them advice and a blessing, and then
Gilgamish offers up a prayer to Shamash :
" Here I present myself, Shamash,
And lift up my hands ;
Grant that my life may be spared hereafter,
Bring me back again to the ramparts of Erech,
Spread thy shield above me." 2
Before the Yakut heroes proceed on their adventures, they go down
on their knees before the fire on the hearth and pray to the spirit
of fire, asking for help in the struggles which lie ahead. If the
heroes do not offer up these prayers for themselves, their kinsfolk
do so for them.3 Even in the short scope of the Edda poems there
is still room for such a rite. When Gunnar and his companions
set out to visit Atli, they go with evil omens and dark forebodings,
but Hogni's wife, Kostbera, maintains the heroic form, when she
bids them farewell :
" May ye sail now happy, and victory have ;
To fare well I bid ye, may nought your way bar ! "4
The Yakuts provide a more elaborate formula for the parents of any
hero to say before he sets out :
" Bear yourself in front with protection like a rock
From a powerful blessing on your soul,
Burning with flame, and go your way.
Bear yourself behind with the support
Of a powerful blessing from home on your soul." s
1 Ibid, xxiv, 287 ff., 302 ff. 2 Gilgamish, in, vi, 36-40.
3 Yastremski, p. 3. 4 Atlamdl, 31. s Yastremski, p. 4.
185
HEROIC POETRY
However dark the prospects may be, the heroic system demands
that they be faced with courage and confidence, and departing
heroes must start on their quests with the air of going to victory.
A second piece of mechanism is concerned with a hero's rising
in the morning. When he gets up, details are given which show
how he pursues the ordinary routine of life. It is part of his
human condition, of his likeness to other men. Russian poets like
to describe how a hero rises from sleep and tend to do so in a stock
way, as for Alyosha Popovich :
Alyosha woke from sleep,
Got up early, very, very early
Washed himself at break of day,
Dried himself with a white towel,
And turned to the east to pray to God.1
So in her Tale of Lenin Marfa Kryukova tells that, when the hero
comes out of hiding to control the Revolution, he starts his day
like any ancient bogatyr :
On a morning it was, on an early morning,
At the rising of the fair red sun,
That Ilich stepped out of his little tent,
He washed his face
With cold spring water,
He wiped his face with a little towel.2
Lenin, as we might expect, does not say morning prayers, but
otherwise his rising is very like Alyosha's, and in both cases the
poet uses this device to start an adventurous story in as natural a
way as possible. In essence this is akin to Homer's art. When
Telemachus has to face the elders of Ithaca with a grave decision
about the Suitors, he begins his day in a quiet, customary manner :
But when the Daughter of Dawn stretched forth her roseate fingers,
Then from his slumber arose the beloved son of Odysseus,
Speedily put on his clothes and fastened a sword from his shoulder,
And on his gleaming feet he bound his beautiful sandals.3
It is all very ordinary and commonplace, but has its own charm in
the narrative.
Parallel to the scenes of getting up are those of going to bed,
which provide a note of rest and quiet after an eventful day. Homer
often describes how his heroes rest after battle or travel, as when
Telemachus and Peisistratus stay with Menelaus and are guided
to their beds on the verandah by slaves with torches.3 Even more
domestic is the account of Telemachus on Ithaca when, after an
exciting day, the old slave Euryclea lights him to his bedroom :
1 Kireevski, ii, p. 71. * Kaun, p. 188. 3 Od. iv, 296 ff.
186
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
Then did he open the door himself of his well-fashioned chamber,
Sat on the side of the bed and took off his soft woollen garment,
And then into the hands of the wise old woman he gave it.
She then, when she had brushed and neatly folded the garment,
Put it to hang on a peg at the side of the well-fretted bedstead,
Quietly went from the room and pulled the door by the handle
Shaped as a ring, and then with the thong she drew the bolt
forward.
Wrapped there all night long in his fleecy sheepskin he slumbered.1
There is little essential difference between this and the sleep
which Beowulf enjoys after vanquishing Grendel. He too is
conducted to his room by a retainer and takes his rest with delight :
Before all things the Geat,
Rough shield-warrior, for rest was longing ;
Weary of his swimming, swiftly the hall-thegn
Guided him forth, who was come from far ;
He that worshipfully watched over all
The needs of a thegn, such things as in those clays
Sea-wanderers might be wanting.
Rested him then, roomy-hearted ; the roof towered,
Gaping and gold-decked ; the guest within slept,
Until the black raven of heaven's blessings
Boded, blithe-hearted.2
The elaborate style hides to some degree the simplicity of the
action which the poet describes, but his art is of the same kind as
Homer's in its attention to tranquil, domestic details.
Sometimes, if the theme of going to bed is a preliminary to
some fearful event, a contrast is made between the usual routine of
night and what comes after it. A nice variation comes in Beowulf
before the fight with Grendel. Beowulf knows what awaits him
in the night and is ready to face the monster, but, contrary to
expectation, he does not keep his armour on but undresses almost
as if he were going to bed :
However the Geats' prince gladly trusted
In his moody might, in his Maker's Mercy.
Then he did off his iron byrny,
His helm from his head, gave his hiked sword,
Choicest of irons, to his armour-bearer,
And bade him hold the battle-harness.3
He explains that he does this for reasons of heroic pride, that,
since he considers himself every whit as good as Grendel, he will
fight him without weapons in his own way. Then he proceeds to
go to sleep :
1 Ibid, i, 436-43. 2 Beowulf, 1792-1802. 3 Ibid. 669-74.
187
HEROIC POETRY
Laid him down then the Champion, a cheek-bolster took
The face of the earl.1
The structure of this small episode is based on the familiar way in
which a hero goes to sleep, but it receives a new character through
the unusual considerations which prompt his action and the
conditions which force him to it. Conversely, the imminence of
disaster may interfere with the ordinary routine of rest.] When
Charlemagne has left Roland to fight in the Pass, he bivouacs his
army and prepares himself for sleep. But he feels that something
is amiss, and does not undress :
That Emperour is lying in a mead ;
By's head, so brave, he's placed his mighty spear ;
On such a night unarmed he will not be.
He's donned his white hauberk, with broidery,
Has laced his helm, jewelled with golden beads,
Girt on Joiuse, there never was its peer,
Whereon each day thirty fresh hues appear.2
Charlemagne is full of fears about Roland, and, even when he falls
asleep, he has troubling dreams. In this case the ordinary theme is
reversed. The hero sleeps in his clothes and even keeps his armour
on, a touch which is the more effective because it provides a
contrast to the standard passages in which he goes to sleep in the
ordinary way.
Closely related to accounts of rising and going to bed are those
of a hero or heroine dressing. This is often enough quite unim-
portant, but it may be used for a significant purpose, especially to
show how clothes betray the character of their owner. How well
the apparel can proclaim the man can be seen from the way in
which Marko Kraljevic, after deciding that he must get married,
puts on all his finery :
Marko then put on his cloth of velvet,
On his head a silver-crested kalpak,
On his legs his breeches, clasps upon them,
And each clasp was worth a golden ducat ;
And he girded on his inlaid sabre,
To the ground hung down its golden tassels,
And a sheath of gold contained that sabre,
Sharp of blade it was and sweet to handle ;
And his servants brought to him his charger,
And they set on it a gilded saddle ;
To its hoofs fell down the horse's trappings ;
Over it they put a dappled lynx-skin,
With a bridle made of steel they curbed it.3
1 Beowulf, 688-9. 2 Roland, 2496-511. 3 Karadzic, ii, p. 205.
188
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
This is not only picturesque and delightful but illuminates Marko's
character and the gay spirit in which he goes to seek a bride. As a
counterpart we may quote the Kara- Kirghiz account of how Ak
Erkach, the wife of an Uigur prince, sees the hero Alaman Bet
riding towards her house and prepares to greet him :
Her beautifully decked head-dress
She set upon her head.
To the right her hair she parted,
On the right side she arranged it.
To the left her hair she parted,
On the left side she arranged it.
Her thick snood of gold
She fixed to the end of the moon ;
Her thick snood of silver
She fixed to the end of the sun.
Like a puppy she whimpered ;
She showed her teeth in laughter,
With her breath she shed fragrance.
She frisked like a little lamb ;
Her ringlets fell to her shoulders.1
Ak Erkach is hardly a heroine, but she moves in a heroic world and
behaves as such a woman should. Her action is a tribute to the
kind of men with whom she consorts. The poet enjoys not only
the refinements of her toilet with its elaborate coiffure and its
ornaments shaped like the sun and the moon but makes it reveal
her character and provide an amusing contrast to the formidable
hero whom she hopes to impress.
Of course feminine toilet is more adapted than masculine to
varied treatment, and in developing the familiar theme a poet may
allow himself considerable liberty. What is applicable to a mere
woman is still more applicable to a goddess, since she may be
expected to display her graces on a more formidable scale. This is
what Homer does with Hera. She wishes to entice her husband,
Zeus, from Mount Ida where he is watching the battle and inter-
fering with her plans for its progress. So in a purposeful and
crafty spirit she plots to use all her charms on him. Homer takes
up the traditional theme of dressing, uses its full resources, and
makes a great show with them. Though Hera's toilet might occur
almost anywhere in the Iliad as part of its machinery, it receives
careful attention here because it is important for the plot. She
first washes her skin with ambrosia and anoints it with a sweet oil
which, if it is so much as shaken, sends its scent to heaven and
earth. She then does her hair, tying it in plaits, and afterwards puts
1 Radlov, v, p. 37.
189
HEROIC POETRY
on a garment, made by Athene and embroidered with many
patterns, and fastens it with golden pins and a girdle with golden
tassels. She puts on ear-rings, each of which has three drops.
When she has finally put on her head-dress and her sandals, she
is ready for work.1 This is indeed a full-dress occasion, and
Homer makes Hera's toilet as magnificent as possible.
The theme of dress may also be adapted to the needs of other
special occasions. When something is afoot, the poets may take
care to show how their characters clothe themselves, since this is
a necessary part of the whole effect. For instance, in Roland when
Ganelon sets out to the Saracens with intent to betray Roland, he
puts on all his finery in order to make as good an impression as
possible :
Guenes the count goes to his hostelry,
Finds for his road his garments and his gear,
All of the best he takes that may appear :
Spurs of fine gold he fastens on his feet,
And to his side Murgles, his sword of steel.
On Tachebrun, his charger next he leaps,
His uncle holds the stirrup, Guinemere.2
Ganelon is on a fell errand, but he is none the less a great noble
with his own style and splendour. Here his care for his appearance
serves a double task. In the first place it is a kind of defiance to
Roland and others who have derided him and made him wish to
assert his pride, and in the second place he goes as an ambassador
of Charlemagne and must be worthy, at least in appearance, of his
master. Other heroes in Roland dress themselves in the same way,
but special attention is given to Ganelon because his departure is
the sign for an important development in the story. So too the
poet of Gilgamish more than once insists that his hero is cleansed
and clothed. The first occasion looks simple enough. When
Gilgamish comes back from the slaying of Humbaba, he is stained
with blood and removes the traces of the fight :
He washes his stains,
He cleanses his tattered garments,
He braids his hair over his shoulders,
He lays aside his dirty garments,
He clothes himself in clean ones,
He puts on armlets,
He girds his body with a baldric,
Gilgamish binds his fillet,
He girds himself with a baldric.3
1 //. xiv, 170-86. 2 Roland, 342-8.
3 Gilgamish, vi, i, 1-5.
190
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
This may seem a merely mechanical interlude to mark the end of a
bloody episode. But it is more than that. It is because Gilgamish
does this, that the goddess Ishtar realises his beauty and wishes
him to be her husband, and from that much follows. Again, later
in the poem, before leaving Uta-Napishtim at the end of the world,
Gilgamish is bathed and given fresh clothing :
Ur-Shanabi took him,
And led him where he might bathe him.
He washed his stains in the water like snow,
He put off his pelts,
And the sea bore them away ;
Fair did his body appear ;
He renewed the fillet on his head,
He garbed himself in a mantle
To clothe his nakedness,
Such that when he reached his city
Or finished his journey,
The mantle would not betray its age
But keep its freshness.1
This too has a definite purpose. Gilgamish still hopes to win
immortality and still has a chance of doing so. For this reason it is
unfitting that he should be unkempt and filthy as he is after his
long journey to Uta-Napishtim. So the poet describes in detail
the cleansing and the clothing which have almost a ritual signifi-
cance and are relevant to his main theme.
Heroic poetry naturally abounds in accounts of warriors
arming themselves. Such are necessary to keep up the reality of a
world at war and to show with what weapons a hero fights. The
audience knows about weapons and will listen attentively to any
mention of them. Homer usually describes such scenes of arming
in a succinct and economical way, omitting nothing that matters
but not worrying about details. When he lets himself go, as he
does with the shield of Achilles or on a lesser scale with the armour
of Agamemnon, he has a special purpose in wishing to display his
hero's might through his accoutrements. Sometimes he gives the
elementary details but no more, as a necessary preliminary to the
record of some action. It may seem unexciting but is none the less
needed, especially when the armour belongs to some important
hero like Hector or Paris. Other poets do much the same thing,
and are not afraid of introducing passages which are useful pieces
of mechanism but little more. In a heroic world most warriors
use the same arms, and the variations between them are confined to
such matters as size and weight and decoration. If a warrior likes
1 Ibid, xi, i, 246-54.
191
HEROIC POETRY
something out of the way, we are told about it, and a special point
is made of it. But ordinarily much is taken for granted. When
descriptions of armour are needed, they are provided, but not too
much time is given to them.
However, when the hero sets out on an unusual errand, the
nature of his arms may be of some importance, especially when he
sets out to fight some monster, whose habits are unfamiliar to the
audience and arouse curiosity about the way to tackle it. I So,
when Gilgamish goes to fight Humbaba, his townsmen see that he
is properly armed :
They brought monstrous axes,
Into his hand they gave the bow and the quiver ;
He took a celt and slung on his quiver ;
He took another celt and fastened a knife to his girdle.1
The weapons show how Gilgamish starts on a strange quest.
Although in fact he kills Humbaba less by his own weapons than
by the help of winds sent by the Sun-god, yet he cuts off Hum-
baba's head ; so his arms, though not so effective as his townsmen
may have hoped, are not entirely useless. yA similar technique
may be seen in Beowulf. When the hero prepares to fight GrendePs
Dam, he does not rely, as with Grendel himself, on his bare hands
but arms himself carefully. The point of honour which prevented
him from taking on an unarmed Grendel with weapons no longer
operates, since, it seems, he is afraid of the Dam's hideous grip and
arms himself against it. So the poet describes the arming at
length and throws in a comment or two to show what it means :
He would in his war-byrny braided by hand,
Broad and broidcrcd with skill, brave the deep sound ;
Well could it shelter the sheath of his bones
That the battle-grip might not his breast,
Nor the angry clutch his spirit injure ;
But the white helmet his head warded,
Which on the mere's floor was to mingle,
To seek the sound's tumult — with treasure made worthy,
With fine chains compassed, as in former days
The weapon-smith wrought it, with wonders adorned it,
Beset it with swine-figures, so that since then no
Brand nor battle-blade managed to bite it.2
Beowulf puts on the best armour that he can find, and the poet
takes pride in it. But even this armour is not going to be enough.
His helmet, as is carefully pointed out, will fall off in the monster's
1 Gilgamish, ill, vi, 10-13.
2 Beowulf, 1443-54. For the " swine-figures " cf. Klaeber, Plate 3, for a
helmet from Vendel, Uppland, made at the close of the seventh century.
192
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
den, and the sword which he takes with him will prove to be useless.
The old theme is used to show how even the best weapons may not
be sufficient for so fierce an encounter as that which Beowulf
faces. \
Sometimes the clothes or the armour which a hero puts on are
connected with a special occasion in his life and derive additional
interest from it. In the Ainu Kutune Shirka the hero has led a very
cloistered life until he hears of the golden otter. One night he
cannot sleep because the gods keep him awake, and he tosses on
his bed. It is still dark, and his brother and sister are snoring.
Then he makes his decision :
Suddenly, there on my bed,
I stretched myself, and at one hound
I was up on my feet.
I went to the treasure- pile,
I fumbled about in it
And pulled out a basket,
A basket finely-lacquered.
The eords that bound it
One after another I untied ;
I tilted off the cover.
I plunged my hand into the basket ;
An embroidered coat,
A graven belt-sword,
A belt clasped with gold,
A little golden helmet —
All of them together
1 tumbled out.
The embroidered coat
I thrust myself into,
The golden clasped belt
I wound about me.
The eords of the little helmet
I tied for myself,
So that it sat firm on my head.
The graven sword
I thrust through my belt.
And though I tell it of myself,
I looked splendid as a god,
Splendid as a great god
Returning in glory.
And there upon the mat,
Though I had never seen them,
I copied deeds of battle, deeds of war,
Spreading my shoulders, whirling round
and round.1
1 Trs. Arthur Waley, Botteghe Oscure, vii (1951), pp. 217-18.
193
HEROIC POETRY
At divine prompting the young hero has suddenly found himself
and his calling. Though it is a new thing for him to put on
armour or make use of it, he does so naturally and easily and knows
exactly what he is doing. Of course he enjoys the process and
takes pride in his unaccustomed accoutrements. The armour itself
has nothing unusual about it ; what matters is its relevance to the
occasion.
Closely allied to descriptions of dressing and arming are those
of heroes who disguise themselves or have their appearance in
some way altered. Here too the poet operates on an accepted
idea of what a hero's dress and appearance ought to be and
secures his effects by the kind of change which something may
produce in it. His first duty is to explain what the change is and
what results it produces. When he has done that, he can secure
other effects which are less essential but add to the variety of the
poetry. This may be done shortly and swiftly, if the poet has an
eye for the main point. When Alaman Bet wishes to insinuate
himself into the household of the sorceress Kanyshai, it is well for
him to be disguised, since, if he appears as a Kara- Kirghiz, he will
be killed at once. He reconnoitres the ground, finds a watering-
place frequented by guards, and sees at it one of them filling twelve
ox-skins with water :
Alaman Bet rose in front of him,
Cut off his head in a moment,
Threw it into the clear stream,
And over his own clothes put
The clothes of that guard ;
His pig-tail, like a stick,
He fastened to his own head.
He took up the twelve ox-skins
Pilled to the brim with water,
Did Alaman Bet, the great hero,
And went straight to the household
Of the sorceress giantess. J
This is short and simple but decisive. Alaman Bet is sufficiently
disguised for his purpose and ready for the adventures which await
him, while for the Kara-Kirghiz audience his action shows not
only his swift power of decision but his superiority to vulgar
considerations in not shrinking from disguising himself as a
despised Chinese.
Of course if a hero is renowned for his cunning, his disguise
will reflect it and show what a good actor he is. So in The Stealing
of the Mare Abu Zeyd tells how he makes himself look like a
1 Manas •, p. 256.
194
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
wandering beggar before he goes to the encampment of his worst
enemy to steal his mare :
And I reached my hand to my wallet and found in it things needful,
And I took from it an onion and an egg-shell of the ostrich,
And made a fire on the ground with twigs of the wild willow,
And in a golden bowl I mixed and turned the ingredients,
Then whitened I my beard and limned my face with wrinkles,
Lowering my brows a little and darkening one of my eyelids,
And I crooked my back like a bow, a bow bent for the shooting,
And donned my clothes of disguise, that seeing none might know me.1
This is almost professional in its accomplishment and befits the
wily spirit of Abu Zeyd. Later in the poem he has to disguise
himself anew. He has stolen the mare, but the girl who helped
him to do so is in trouble because of it, and he has to go back to
help her. This time his disguise is even more skilful, and he is
every whit as proud of it :
And I took from my back my wallet, and shook the dust from its
leather,
And I loosed the buttons all, and searched its inner recesses,
And took from it a dress should serve me for disguisement,
Unguents and oil of salghan, and red beans and essalkam,
And I roasted them on the fire till they were ripe and ruddy.
And I whitened my beard with chalk, and pulled down my
mustachios,
And dyed my face with saffron till my cheeks glowed like apples ;
And I wrinkled the skin of my brows and crooked my back like a
bent bow,
And leaned upon my staff. For am I not, O people,
A man of infinite wiles, a cunning man, a deceiver ?
And over the rest of my clothes I set the garb of a dervish,
And held a pot in my hand, even of the pots of the beggars.2
Here, as in Homer's account of Hera's beautifying process, the
poet uses stock themes with much brilliance and dash to secure a
special effect. Each item in the catalogue of the " make up " may
be stock, but the result is exciting and dramatic. It shows that
Abu Zeyd, the great hero, enjoys himself on such an errand as
much as Odysseus does. Indeed we may imagine that, when he
prepared himself to go as a spy into Troy, Odysseus took similar
care to disguise himself. For, as Helen tells the story :
Bruising himself with unseemly blows, and over his shoulders
Throwing a hideous rag, like some poor drudge of the household,
Into the fine broad streets of the enemies* city he entered,
In his disguise appearing a different person, a beggar,
He who was far from such when among the ships of Achaeans.3
1 Blunt, ii, p. 144. 2 Idem, pp. 190-91. 3 Od. iv, 244-8.
195
HEROIC POETRY
In such adventures the paradox of the hero who assumes a lowly
guise calls for detailed treatment.
A special interest attaches to those women who for some reason
put on men's clothing. They may not necessarily wish to be
thought to be men, or have any other reason than that such
clothing is useful for some specific purpose. So when the Bulgarian
girl, Penka, wishes to pay a last visit to the haiduks, with whom she
has consorted in the past, she does not wish to pass for a man
but simply to dress as men do, because that is demanded by the
adventurous conditions of their life. She tells her mother :
" I have a request to make you,
Then address it to my father :
That he give to me a dowry,
Give me also a man's costume,
Give me too a pair of pistols,
Give me too a Frankish sabre,
Give me too a great long rifle ;
Like a man I wish to live now,
For two days or three days, mother,
Or maybe for three hours only,
On the mountain with the haiduks." l
Penka duly dresses herself in this style, visits the haiduks, and takes
a stately farewell of them. Nothing remarkable is attempted, but
the male clothing gives a touch of colour and character. When
the Russian heroine, the wife of Staver, hears that her husband
has been thrown into prison by Vladimir, she sees that she alone
can rescue him and must use her wits to do so. She must go to
the court and see what can be done there : so she disguises herself
as a man. The poet pays little attention to the action and treats
it in a very matter-of-fact way, as a mere piece of mechanics :
Very, very quickly she ran to the barber,
Cut off her hair like a young man,
Transformed herself into Vasili Mikulich,
Collected a bold company
Of forty bold archers,
Forty bold wrestlers,
And rode to the city of Kiev.2
This too is perfectly factual and straightforward. Staver's wife is
engaged on a bold errand, for which disguise is necessary, but she
treats this transformation of herself from Vasilissa Mikulichna into
Vasili Mikulich in a nonchalant spirit, as if it were part of the
ordinary conduct of life.
1 Dozon, p. 28. 2 Rybnikov, i, p. 204.
196
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
This device can be given a greater complexity when the issues
involved are less simple. In the Canaanite Aqhat, Aqhat's father,
Daniel, decides that he must exact vengeance for the murder of his
son, but he does not know who the murderer is. He himself is too
old to do anything ; so he turns to his daughter, Paghat, who is
renowned chiefly for her excellent conduct of domestic affairs, and
charges her with the task. She proceeds with some care :
She fetches up a fish from the sea,
Washes and rouges herself
With the red dye of that eosmetic of the sea
Which comes from the " wild ox " whose emission
is on the sea.
Then she takes and puts on the garb of a warrior,
Places the knife in its sheath,
Places the sword in its scabbard ;
And above she dons the garb of a woman,
But beneath that of a soldier.1
Paghat does a double task. She both emphasises her femininity
by painting her face with some mysterious substance which
may be connected with the cuttle-fish, and arms herself like
a man underneath her woman's clothing. She knows what she
is doing. She hopes, when she has found the murderer, to allure
him with her charms and then to kill him. And this in fact
she does. When by a happy chance she comes upon Yatpan, he
welcomes her and offers her wine. Attracted, no doubt, by her
beauty, he boasts of the men whom he has killed, and so reveals
himself as the murderer. He then gets drunk, and Paghat has no
difficulty in killing him. Her disguise is peculiar but needed for
a special purpose. That is why it is described with some care.
A third item in the mechanics of narrative consists of feasts,
entertainments and the like. Poets are not ashamed to speak, even
at some length, about eating and drinking. Heroes have healthy
appetites as befit their ebullient vitality and their life of action. It
is fitting that when he goes spying, Odysseus should have three
meals in the course of a night.2 It is the other side of his ability
to spend two days and two nights without food in the sea. The
notice which poets take of food and drink is a tribute to the
physical virtues of their heroes. But it is also more than this.
The giving of feasts is a sign of princely generosity and splendour.
By his conduct of convivial occasions the hero shows a new side
of his mastery of men and things. Since food and drink are a
1 Gaster, p. 309 ff. ; cf. Gordon, p. 100. The " wild ox " is variously
explained as the whale, the ray-fish, and the cuttle-fish.
2 //. ix, 91 ff., 218 ff. ; x, 578.
197
HEROIC POETRY
necessary part of life, the heroic world insists that they should be
treated with style and dignity.
Descriptions of feasts are often enough perfunctory, as if they
were introduced mainly to keep the story going. This is what
Homer on the whole does. The great man entertains guests, but
not too much bother is made about it, nor usually do we hear
more than —
He set before them a feast to give their hearts' satisfaction ;
They stretched hands to the dainties which lay all ready before them.1
The Russian poets do the same kind of thing, though not quite
with the Homeric brevity. At Prince Vladimir's court the
Princess Apraxya carves swans for the guests to eat, while they sit
in order of eminence at oaken tables and eat " sweet food " and
drink " honeyed drink ". This is the stock form, of which the
main elements are hardly varied. The Norse poets are even more
succinct, as when Knefroth comes to Atli with his fatal invitation
to Gunnar :
To Gjuki's home came he and to Gunnar's dwelling,
With benches round the hearth, and to the beer so sweet.
Then the followers, hiding their falseness, all drank
Their wine in the war-hall, of the Huns' wrath wary.2
In another version the messengers are received with princely
hospitality :
Then the famed ones brought mead, and fair was the feast,
Full many were the horns, till the men had drunk deep.3
The feast must be mentioned if the setting and the situation are
to be understood, but there is no need to elaborate it.
This economy is often abandoned when the needs of the
narrative demand something more detailed. Homer, for instance,
is well aware that when Odysseus sets out on his perilous voyage
from Calypso, he needs meat and drink :
The goddess set in the boat one skin of red wine, and another
Large one filled with water, and store of food in a wallet,
And many dainties she set therein to his heart's satisfaction. 4
We do not hear that Odysseus eats and drinks of this supply, but
it is enough that it is mentioned. It shows the practical spirit in
which he sets out on his voyage. A Jugoslav poet is less shy about
speaking of a meal al fresco. When Bircanin flija is out in the
1 //. ix, 90-91, 220-21 ; xxiv, 626-7; Od. i, 148-9, etc.
2 Atlakvitha, 1-2. 3 Atlantdl, 8, 1-2. 4 Od. v, 265-7.
198
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
country on a dubious quest, he thinks of food and eats a comfort-
able luncheon, despite the presence of danger :
Then the servant brought the bag with victuals,
Things to eat and drink he took from out it
In accordance with his master's orders.
llija quickly seized the wooden bottle
That was wound around with plaited rushes
And was rilled with potent sljfvovica
That was rather older than flija.
And he drew out cakes of bread unleavened,
With the cakes dried meat and cheese producing,
That they might eat something with the brandy.1
This is a picnic held in a hurry, but the poet enjoys telling how
even in such a moment the hero lives up to his standards by doing
himself well.
The pleasures of eating and drinking may not always be very
dignified, and some poets like to tell how heroes get drunk. This
is not to the taste of Homer, who uses the adjective " heavy with
wine " as a term of abuse and contempt,2 and whose chief drunkard
is the Cyclops. But other poets are more tolerant. Indeed, a
Kalmuck regards it as a desirable element in a convivial occasion :
In the beautiful wood in the spring-time,
In the motley yellow chamber like a picture,
With his six thousand and twelve warriors
As beautiful as the sun,
At the tables set for vodka,
He drinks and makes merry.
His warriors grow hot and drunken
With the wine with which Dzhangar regales them.3
There are of course no hints of unseemly behaviour. The heroes
still conduct themselves with heroic propriety. ^J^deed delight in
drink and intoxication are often regarded as proper to a hero,
worthy of his physical strength and ebullient nature. 1 The
Armenian hero, David of Sasoun, is not above being drunk for
several days even in a time of danger and crisis, and the poet seems
to approve of his behaviour as showing his superiority to ordinary
rules. When David has succeeded in winning Khandut to be his
bride, he celebrates his success with wine :
David said : " Where have we a cask of wine ?
I shall have bread and begin to eat.
From my soul I wish to wash off the dust.
Here I cannot wash my tongue.
1 Morison, p. 28. - //. i, 225.
3 Dzhangar iada, p. no.
199 O
HEROIC POETRY
Am I a sparrow to pour water on myself,
Am I a camel to drink from a spoon ? "
They hurried to the house in search of a great cup,
And the cup was as big as a basin.
They gave David to drink from that cup.
David was drunk and became gay.
Drunkenness took David and carried him off.
David was drunk, he hung his head on his breast.1
In this condition David looks an easy prey to his enemies, who
prepare to kill him, but each time that he raises his head, they are
frightened and do nothing, with the result that, when David
recovers, he kills them. Even in drink a hero keeps his essential
nature.
In the Kara- Kirghiz Manas the theme of a feast is used for a
special purpose. The khans have plotted against Manas, and he
skilfully contrives to humiliate them. He invites them to his
dwelling, and his wife, Kanykai, helps him to entertain them so
handsomely that they repent of their plans and acknowledge
Manas' power and superiority. Here too the theme of drunken-
ness has a part. In making her guests drunk Kanykai behaves as
a hostess should, but the khans show their inferior nature by
succumbing too quickly to the drinks which she provides. She
sets about her task in a conscientious spirit :
To boil the flesh of a white horse,
That she might entertain the warriors,
Generous Kanykai gave orders.
On empty stomachs the guests began to drink.
Strong arak made them drunk ;
They were drugged then
By drinking kumys,
They were bewitched then
By the tables painted with pictures,
They made jests then
To the generous maidens.
There was a buzzing in their heads,
Their bowels began to burn,
Drops of sweat glistened on their lips,
Their tongues were loosened.
Fresh drinks Kanykai
Now had brought to them,
Joy she poured out to them ;
Modesty humbled them.2
The intoxication which is suitable enough for David in a moment
of triumph is not equally suitable for the khans. They show their
1 David Sasunskii, p. 273. 2 Manas, p. 96.
200
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
inferiority to the great man against whom they have plotted and
who now humbles them.
CJn contrast with these drunken revels we may set the scene in
Beowulf when Hrothgar gives a feast to celebrate the rout of
Grendel. The poet insists that this is highly decorous :
Nor have I heard that a muster of men so many
About their booty-giver bare themselves better.1
He is less interested in the pleasures of eating and drinking than in
the gifts which are presented and the spirit in which they are
received. The king gives Beowulf an ensign of gold and a suit of
armour, and Beowulf accepts them with dignified gratitude. The
company celebrates a notable occasion in good fellowship, and the
poet applauds their temper :
Nor have I heard that more friendliwisc four treasures
Any gold-girdled groups of men
At the ale-benches each upon other bestowed.2
The presentation of gifts is followed by a lay from the court-
minstrel in the Homeric manner, and after it more gifts are
bestowed. Then the queen, Wealhtheow, makes a speech to
Beowulf, wishing him fame and happiness and wealth and hoping
that he will help her sons as he has helped her husband. She ends
with praise of her own court for its unity and obedience :
" Here is every earl by the others trusted,
Mild of mood, to the Master loyal,
The thegns are kindly, the commons all in readiness.
Drinking, the nobles do as I bid them." 3
This is certainly not like the spirit of Tatar or Armenian revels.
The poet's Christian outlook and love of decorum have invaded
his ideas of what heroes should do when they rejaxj
On some occasions songs are sung at feasts for the amusement
and pleasure of the guests and for no other reason. In Phaeacia
Odysseus hears not only heroic songs but the scandalous lay of
Ares and Aphrodite, which is not intended to do anything more
than amuse. At such times the host or hostess takes pains to see
that the bard or the singers do their task with a high degree of
accomplishment and win the admiration of the chief guest. So
in The Stealing of the Mare Abu Zeyd is entertained on a royal scale
by the maiden, Alia, whose life he has saved. Both the feast and
the music are on an unusually high level and reveal a refined taste
for good living :
1 Beowulf, loii-iz. - Ibid. 1027-9. 3 Hnd* 1128-31.
2O I
HEROIC POETRY
And when the meal was done then poured they fair potations,
Drinking in jewelled cups with skilled musicians and singers,
(Where should the like be found ?) for they sang in such sweet
measure
That, if a bird had heard, it had stooped from its way in heaven.
In figure and trope they sang, of four-and-twenty stanzas.
And Alia chose eight players, the cunningest among them,
Four for the lute and viol, and four for hymns and chauntings.
Each sate him down and played, and they sang with pleasant voices.1
In a world where song and music are appreciated by everyone, and
judged by exacting standards, only the best is good enough for the
hero, especially when, like Abu Zeyd, he has saved the life of his
hostess.
It is but a small way from singing to dancing, and on festal
occasions the dance often occurs as a fitting accompaniment to
general rejoicing. The poet may describe it in a simple and
matter-of-fact way as a small part in a general subject. So the
Ossete poet does not trouble to say too much about a dance, which
forms a minor part of his story :
Sometimes the Narts went to the public square,
Gathered for the dance on the open playground,
They danced the simd — no simple dance is it —
Such a dance is it that the earth shivered,
The earth quaked beneath the young men's feet.2
The Bulgarian poet treats a dance in a similar manner in the Tale of
Kolio, where Kolio collects men together by the power of his music :
Kolio obeyed his orders,
And he took with him his bag-pipe
And he went to Stambul city,
To Stambul of seven towers,
To the inn of seven towers,
Where the Sultan's beasts are slaughtered.
Kolio played upon his bag-pipe,
And the young men gathered round him,
They were thirty and three hundred,
Some three hundred new companions.
Kolio led them off with him,
Led them to the captain Pancho.3
In these cases the dance and song are merely a part of a more
important action, but the poet pauses for a moment on them just
to make them vivid, before going on to his main theme.
It is not quite the same thing when a dance or other display is
held at some important festival. Then the poet may wish to make
1 Blunt, ii, p. 178. 2 Dynnik, p. 47. 3 Dozon, p. 47.
202
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
something special of it. Weddings and the like may demand
dances as a necessary part of the ritual. So an Esthonian poem tells
how, when two great heroes are married, one of them gives a great
display with his bride :
After this they danced the cross-dance,
Waltzed the waltzes of Esthonia,
And they danced the Arju dances,
And the dances of the West Land ;
And they danced upon the gravel,
And they trampled on the greensward,
Starry youth and maiden Salme
Thus their nuptials held in rapture.1
Homer seems to have known something of the same kind. He
speaks of " the dancing-place which Daedalus made in broad
Cnossus for the fair-haired Ariadne ",2 and perhaps he records
memories of dances held in the great courtyard of the Minoan
palace. So too at the court of Alcinous, after Demodocus has sung
of Ares and Aphrodite, two dancers of special excellence do a turn
in which they bend backwards, throw a ball up, leap, and catch it
while still themselves in the air. After this they dance with many
changes, and the other men, who stand round, beat time on the
ground.3 Wilder and more varied but hardly different in kind is
the scene of gaiety described by a Yakut poet :
Nine days and nights on end the feast lasted,
And they played every play without growing weary.
Then the women danced !
Then the strong men struggled !
Then the runners competed in speed !
Then friend with friend in rivalry
Tried to leap on one leg !
Nine days and nights on end, they say,
They danced and played.
Then the hungry man ate his fill.
Then the lean man made merry.*
In hardly any of these cases are the dances indispensable to the
story, but they give substance and solidity to it.
There is at least one case where a dance really affects the action,
and then the poet has to do something special about it. When
Alaman Bet insinuates himself, disguised as a Chinese, into the
house of the sorceress, Kanyshai, he finds a feast in progress and
joins in the dancing. But here the poet has a special concern. His
account of the actual dancing is short and conventional. What
1 Kirby, i, p. 14. ? //. xviii, 590 ff.
3 Od. viii, 370 flf. 4 Yastrcmski, p. 45.
203
HEROIC POETRY
interests him particularly are its results. Alaman Bet is surrounded
by enemies, but boldly dances away, and his dancing has a notable
result on Kanyshai :
Kanyshai on her throne,
On her golden throne,
Watches how Alaman dances :
Mis dancing steals away her wits !
I ler body grows weary,
She sighs for Alaman,
Her passions are inflamed,
She dreams of bliss,
That Alaman embraces her,
That Alaman kisses her.
She is sick with desire,
She is weak before Alaman,
She sees his hot lips,
She sees his white teeth,
She sees his round hands,
She sees his strong limbs !
Her memory fails, she swoons,
She comes back to consciousness,
Fires consume her within.1
In this condition Kanyshai is in no condition to resist Alaman Bet
when he pretends to make love to her ; she delivers herself into
his power and is killed.
^ A fourth common theme is that of sailing. Unknown to
inland peoples, it naturally appeals to those who live by the sea,
and has developed standard forms and interesting variations. Its
basic elements are short descriptions of putting a ship to sea,
travelling, and coming to shore. Such at least is necessary to move
a hero from one place to another, and in its simplest form the
theme often occurs. But it often does more than describe a mere
change of place by the hero. The poets know the sea too well not
to introduce some additional poetry which has its own charnv
Homer sets the tone when he tells how Telemachus prepares a
ship and puts to sea. Homer's audience, we may be sure, knows
all about ships and will be interested and critical about any factual
details. The ship of imagination must be every whit as real as a
ship of common life. Homer is aware of this and shows that he
understands about sailing. First, the ship is made ready :
Smart at the word they obeyed, and raised up the mast made of
pine-wood,
Firm in the deep mast-box they fixed it and tied it with forestays,
Hoisting the white sails up with twisted halyards of ox-hide,2
1 Manas, p. 257. 2 Od. ii, 424-6.
204
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
The professional preliminary establishes the ship's reality, but
from this Homer advances to tell how the ship starts and gets
under way, and to this he gives his own quiet poetry, though it is
only an incidental feature in the narrative :
Under the breeze the sail bellied out ; the blue wave was divided
Roaring about her bows, as the ship gathered way through the water.
Over the waves she darted in haste to accomplish her journey.
Then in the swift black ship they set to tighten the tackle
And bowls brim-full of wine they put for themselves on the benches,
Pouring out some to the gods who are ageless and everlasting,
Chiefly to that great daughter of Zeus, the grey-eyed Athene.
All night long till the morning the good ship passed on her journey.1
The ship of Telemachus sails as other ships sail, and Homer's
account of her keeps to familiar facts, but from them he extracts a
charming poetry, not merely in the sense of the ship making her
own way with the wind behind her but in the account of what is
done aboard in the performance of the rites customary to men at
sea. When the ship comes to land, the ritual is fixed and the same
proceedings usually take place. The ship is driven on to the
beach, and then the crew take off the sails and furl them, and come
to land. This done, they turn the ship round, so that she can
start again when occasion demands.2 It is all very simple and
straightforward, but correct and true to fact. Homer might have
omitted these details and indeed said no more than that Tele-
machus sails from one place to another. But by making the
voyage circumstantial he gives an additional strength and charm
to his story.
/Something of the same kind may be seen in Beowulf ', where the
poet feels to some degree the appeal of ships and the sea, though
scarcely with Homer's discerning eye for its many beauties. His
epithets and descriptive phrases are picturesque enough and show
that at least his teachers were sea-faring men who knew the lure
of great waters. He exercises his own kind of art when he tells
how Beowulf sails home after his adventures in Jutland. Beneath
the mannered style we can detect not only a sound sense of fact but
a delight in recalling how a ship gets going before a wind and takes
the waves lightly :
Then was to the mast one of the mer-sheets,
A sail, rope-fastened ; the sea-wood roared ;
Nor that wave-floater did the wind over the waters
Hinder from sailing ; the sea-goer started,
Floated, foamy-necked, forth over the waves,
The banded stem over brimming streams.3
1 Ibid. 427-34. 2 Ibid, iii, 10-11. 3 Beowulf, 1905-10.
205
HEROIC POETRY
If this is an Anglo- Saxon_ counterpart to Telemachus' voyage, we
may also compare his landing at Pylos with Beowulf's in Jutland.
Nor in this is the Anglo-Saxon poet entirely inferior. He catches
at least the charm of the moment when land is sighted, and speaks
of it with a decorous thrill :
on the second day
Her winding stem had waded so far
That the sailors land could see,
Shore-cliffs shining, mountains sheer,
Spreading sea-nesses.1
The landing itself is dismissed quickly, almost without any detail
except that the ship is made fast. The Anglo-Saxon poet has a
less steady eye than Homer, and at this point hurries unwontedly
to get on with his story /^
It may be doubted whether the poet of Roland knew the sea
so well as Homer or the poet of Beowulf, and indeed ships only once
play an important part in his poem. Baligant comes from Babylon
to help the Saracen king, Marsilies, and he has to come by sea.
The poet's interest is less in sailing than in the preparations and
appearance of a great fleet :
His great dromonds, he made them all ready,
Barges and skiffs and ships and galleries ;
Neath Alexandre, a haven next the sea,
In readiness he gat his whole navy.
That was in May, first summer of the year,
All of his hosts he launched upon the sea.2
Once prepared, the fleet puts to sea, but what interests the poet
is not the technical details of its voyage but its brilliance, and he
dwells with a special insistence on the lights which gleam on it at
night :
Great are the hosts of that opposed race ;
With speed they sail, they steer and navigate,
High on their yards at their mast-heads they place
Lanterns enough, and carbuncles so great
Thence, from above, such light they dissipate
The sea's more clear at midnight than by day.
And when they come into the land of Spain
All that country lightens and shines again.3
This case presents points of interest. The poet clearly feels that
he must tell how Baligant gets from Egypt to Spain and therefore
goes through the usual mechanism of building a fleet and putting it
to sea. But the actual sailing is either too dull or too unfamiliar for
1 Beowulf, 219-23. 2 Roland, 2624-9. 3 Ibid. 2630-37.
206
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
him to say anything about it. He concentrates instead on the
fleet's brightness at night, and no doubt this is intended to stress
the wealth and brilliance of the men who come from the East to
help Marsilies. He says nothing which is impossible, and he is
quite within the navigation of his time in making the fleet sail up
the Ebro, since it was said to be navigable even beyond Saragossa.
But the factual element is subordinated, not without art, to the
impression of brilliance.
The Norse poets seldom have time to speak of the mere mech-
anism of sailing, and if they do so, it is because it is relevant to
their story. For instance, in Atlamdl when Gjuki and his com-
panions go to Atli, they go by sea, as suits a poem said to have
been composed in Greenland. The poet gives only a quatrain to
the voyage, but in it shows the heroic strength of his characters
and their eagerness to get to their goal :
Full stoutly they rowed, and the keel clove asunder,
Their backs strained at the oars, and their strength was fierce.
The oar-loops were burst, the thole-pins were broken,
Nor the ship made they fast ere from her they fared.1
When, however, ships play an essential part in the action, the poet
gives them their due recognition and shows how well he under-
stands their ways. This is the case with one of the poems on Helgi
Hundingsbane. When he takes his fleet into Stafnsnes the poet
dwells on its gallant air :
Soon off Stafnsnes stood the ships,
Fair they glided and gay with gold.2
Once in harbour, Helgi prepares for battle, and the poet gives a
clear account of clearing the decks and waking the sailors :
The ship's tents soon the chieftain struck,
And waked the throng of warriors all ;
The heroes the red of dawn beheld ;
And on the masts the gallant men
Made fast the sails in Varinsfjord.3
At each move of Helgi's fleet the poet finds something to say which
both illustrates the action and is an implicit comment on Helgi's
behaviour, as when he defies the elements and sails into the rough
sea :
Helgi bade higher hoist the sails,
Nor did the ships'-folk shun the waves.4
1 Atlamdly 34. * Helgakvitha Hundingsbana, i, 24, 1-2.
3 Ibid. 27. 4 Ibid. 30, 1-2.
207
HEROIC POETRY
This was composed by a man who felt the call of ships and knew
that their management betrays a man's nature. His Helgi is a
proud, reckless seaman who flaunts his character at sea.
A ship may reflect its owner's character in the splendour of its
equipage and tackle. On such an occasion the poet, although
following formulaic lines, may add a detail or so which gives an
additional touch of style and brilliance, as the Russian poet does
in his account of the visit of Nightingale Budimirovich to Prince
Vladimir. His notion of ships is traditional, but by no means
incorrect, and he uses the formulae for old-fashioned sailing-ships
to produce a special effect of wealth and grandeur :
Bravely were the ships adorned,
Bravely were the ships bedecked.
Stem and stern were shaped like an aurochs,
The broad sides were in the fashion of an elk.
The sails were of rich damask,
The ships' anchors were of steel,
The anchors had silver rings,
The ropes were of the seven silks ;
Where the rudder was, it was hung
With precious sables from foreign lands ;
Where the eyebrows should be, it was decked
With precious foreign fox-skins ;
In the place of the eyes it was inset
With sapphire stones from foreign lands.1
Nightingale Budimirovich is a considerable person, who comes on
an important errand, to seek the hand of Vladimir's niece in
marriage. He must make a good impression and be worthy of the
princess. A similar delight in a ship's appearance and a similar
sense of the light which it throws on the owner may be seen in the
Ukrainian Samijlo Kishka :
From the city of Trebizond a galley advanced,
Decked and adorned with three colours.
The first of these colours,
These are the banners of blue-gold ;
The second of these colours,
These are the cannons on the deck ;
The third of these colours,
These are the Turkish tents of white linen.
On this galley walks Alkan Pasha,
Young prince of Trebizond,
Surrounded by his chosen men.2
The young Turkish prince has his own style and makes it felt even
when he is at sea. Again, when a fleet sails to battle it may somehow
1 Gilferding, i, p. 527 ; Chadwick, R.H.P. p. 1 16 ff. 2 Scherrer, p. 72.
208
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
reflect the determined, warlike temper of its captain and his com-
panions. This is the case in the Norse Battle of Hafsfjord when
Harold Fairhaired sails into Hafsfjord to fight Kjotvi the Wealthy : '
A fleet came from the east, with figure-heads gaping,
And with carved beaks, in desire for battle,
With warriors laden and with white shields,
With spears from the west, and with swords from France.
The berserks were howling, the wolf-coats bawling ;
Swords were clashing ; war was in full swing.2
So too in Hrafnsmal the king's ships are briefly described with an
eye to their master's wealth and power :
Deep ships he commands
With reddened stripes and crimson shields,
With tarred oars and foam-splashed awnings.
The ship reveals the man, and a finely decked ship is testimony to
its captain's greatness.
Ships may sometimes sail in unfamiliar seas and encounter
unaccustomed dangers. Then the old mechanism has to be
refurbished, and the formulae adapted to new uses. A modern
Russian bard attempts such a task in telling of the adventures of
the Russian ship Chelyuskin in the Arctic. Though the theme is
contemporary, the treatment is, as far as possible, traditional.
When the ship sails into the ice-floe, the captain faces danger in a
truly heroic spirit :
There, when evil enemies encountered them,
Evil enemies, swimming blocks of ice,
Long did they fight with those unfriendly ones ;
They could not in any way escape their blows.
Then a blow struck the Chelyuskin on the nose,
The timber broke, the water poured in ...
Beard-to-the-knees, Captain Voronin,
Did not wince at that blow,
At the blow of that unfriendly rock.
Beard-to-the-knees began to give orders,
Captain Voronin began to give commands,
That quickly, very quickly, all should be mended ;
He summoned the master-locksmiths,
By the speed of the masters all was repaired ;
And the ship flew forward on her way
In the ocean-sea of ice.3
Here an unprecedented situation is presented in words derived
from quite a different world, but the treatment of the blocks of ice
1 Kershaw, p. 90. 2 Idem, p. 83.
3 Nechaev, p. 287. No name is given for the author of the poem.
209
HEROIC POETRY
as attacking enemies and of the captain and his men as heroes
fighting against fierce antagonists gives a new interest to the theme
of sailing in dangerous seas.
A fifth conventional theme is that of horses and riding. The
earliest exponent of this is Homer, whose heroes do not ride
horses but drive them in chariots. So they go to battle, where the
chariot plays a large part, or in peace-time visit their friends.
Homer likes sometimes to give attention to the preparation of a
chariot before it goes out. If he usually does this in a brief and
even perfunctory way, he once at least devotes some care to it.
When Priam sets out to ask Achilles for the body of Hector,
sixteen lines are given to the preparation of his chariot. Priam's
sons take down the chariot from where it is propped against a wall,
take down the yoke, and fasten the yoke-band to it, being careful
to see that the knot is secure.1 The careful description is not
necessary to the story, but it provides a dignified start and assumes
that, since Priam is embarking on an important errand, anything
concerned with it is interesting. Equally, when travellers reach
their destinations, Homer tells how they dismount from their
chariots and look after their horses. The chariot is propped up on
end against a wall, and the horses are given corn and barley.2
Homer prefers to dwell on the beginning and end of such journeys
and says little about the journeys themselves, which he usually
dismisses briefly in some such line as —
Then did he whip up the horses, and they sped eagerly onward.3
The important thing in this case is to mark the start and the end
of a journey, and this is done simply and circumstantially.
Homer's method is paralleled in various other countries. When
a hero sets out on his horse, we often hear something about his
start, as when the Serb hero, Marko Kraljevid, sets out :
Then did he go down into his stable,
And made ready his stout charger Sarac.
First he covered him with a grey bear-^kin,
Then he bridled him with a steel bridle ;
And he hung his heavy mace upon him,
With a sword on either side about him,
Flung himself upon the back of Sarac.*
Russian poets give fewer details but seldom fail to say something
about saddling a horse before the hero goes out, as Dyuk does
before his contest with Churilo :
1 //. xxiy, 265 ff. 2 Od. iv, 39 ff.
3 Ibid, iii, 494. 4 Karad2i2, ii, p. 231.
2IO
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
Young Dyuk Stepanovich, the prince's son,
Went into the spacious courtyard,
And with his own hands saddled his good horse ;
He saddled it and made it ready.1
So too his rival, the stylish Churilo, also saddles his horse :
He saddles it with twelve saddles,
He girds it with twelve girths,
The girths were of silk,
And the girth-straps of gold.2
When the Kalmuck, Khongor, gets ready for a dangerous expedi-
tion, the saddling of his horse is an important event :
At the door of the hall
He began to saddle his restive hot horse.
He straightened and put on it a black saddle-cloth.
On the four spans of tall withers
He laid a saddle of forged gold,
With a front arch of dull silver,
With a saddle-tree of black sandal wood.
He put on a breast-plate of yellow silk,
Fitting it to the black breast-muscles.
He clothed its tail in a cover
Twenty-five times as long as a swan's neck.3
In each case, whether shortly or at length, the poet goes through
the routine of telling how a horse is saddled, and in so doing adds
something to our conception of the rider's character and purpose.
As the rider goes on his way, nothing much may happen to
him, but few poets will be entirely silent about it. They may say
no more than a very few words to indicate that so far all goes
according to plan, as the Ossete poets do in their tales of Amran
and his brothers. For them the merest reference suffices, like
Day began to shine. They rode on,
or
The brothers went on^ further,
or
They rode on. They came to a valley. 4
This is the minimum that such poetry demands, and it suffices to
keep the audience aware of what is happening. So even the Norse
poets of the Elder Edda, whose concentrated art usually leaves little
place for the mechanics of narrative, sometimes pause to tell of
someone riding and to add some small vivid touch, as when
1 Rybnikov, i, p. 108. 2 Nechaev, p. 133.
3 Dzhangariada, p. 114 ff. 4 Amran, pp. 45, 86, 49.
211
HEROIC POETRY
Guthrun relates how she and the Sons of Gjuki come to Atli's
hall:
Soon on horseback each hero was,
And the foreign women in wagons faring ;
A week through lands so cold we went ; l
or when the heroes arrive at the hall and ride into it in all their
clatter and splendour :
Great was the clatter of gilded hoofs
When Gjuki's sons through the gateway rode ; 2
or the sons of Guthrun set out on their fell mission to take venge-
ance from Jormunrek for the death of Svanhild :
From the courtyard they fared, and fury they breathed ;
The youths swiftly went o'er the mountain wet,
On their Hunnish steeds, death's vengeance to have. 3
In each of these cases something is added, whether to show the
length and character of the journey or the pride of the horsemen
or the spirit in which they ride. The brief sketches give a
momentary glimpse of what happens and fit into the general
pattern of the story. The poets keep their plots continuous by
using this almost mechanical device, but at the same time succeed
in making even the mechanics significant.
As the rider goes on his road, he may pass over country which
the poet thinks worthy of mention, and the way in which the
rider and horse take it throws light on them. So when Dobrynya
is in a great hurry to reach Kiev before his wife marries Alyosha,
he makes great demands of his horse :
He took his silken whip,
He beat his horse about the legs,
About his legs, his hind legs,
So that his horse set off at a gallop,
From mountain to mountain, from hill to hill,
Leaping rivers and lakes,
Stretching his legs in full stride.
It is not a bright falcon in full flight,
It is a noble young man racing in his course.*
Though this is a special occasion and Dobrynya is in a great
hurry, the poet tells of his passage much as any Russian poet tells
of heroes riding even though they have nothing much to hurry
about. The point is that, when heroes mount their horses, this
is the way in which they should proceed. The Russian tradition
1 Guthrunarkvitha, ii, 36, 1-3. 2 Oddriinargrdtr, 26, 1-2.
3 Hamthismdly 12. 4 Rybnikov, i, p. 165 ff.
212
THE MECHANICS OF NARRATIVE
is indeed remarkably stereotyped in this as in other matters, and
it is perhaps profitable to contrast with it what a Kara- Kirghiz
poet does when his heroes ride across country. When Alaman Bet
and the young Syrgak ride in front of the army, the poet has an
eye for the country through which they pass and its forbidding
nature :
On inaccessible mountain peaks,
From summit to summit,
Where waters flow not on the road,
And no signs of grass can be found,
Where the eyes see no feathered things,
On the dented spurs of the mountains,
Where the heat fails not all year round,
Along the banks of dried-up rivers,
On the sands of desolate valleys,
Alaman Bet, son of Aziz Khan,
Together with young Syrgak,
By ways long known to them
Hastened forward, spared not their horses,
Without halting, for many days.1
Here the Kara-Kirghiz poet follows the tradition of his national
art in using details to make a picture more real and more interest-
ing. He describes a convincing landscape, such as we might
expect to lie on the long road from the Tien-Shan to China and
worthy of the heroes who pass through it and think little of its
dangers. They have indeed a task to do, and their journey is
part of it. So it deserves some attention, and the poet is right to
make much of it.
The theme of riding is not confined to single riders or to pairs.
There are times when whole companies and even armies go out on
horseback and demand that something should be said about them.
The mere effect of numbers is impressive enough, and much is
added when the riders are proud and splendid in their best
accoutrements. So the Song of Roland can, when grand events
are afoot, rise to the occasion in high style. The Saracens make
an impressive show when Roland and Oliver first see them at
Roncesvalles :
Fair shines the sun, the day is bright and clear,
Light burns again from all their polished gear.
A thousand horns they sound, more proud to seem ;
Great is the noise, the Franks its echo hear.2
Later, when Charlemagne comes back to the battlefield and
prepares to fight Baligant's army, the different Prankish columns,
1 Manas, p. 236. 2 Roland, 1002-5.
213
HEROIC POETRY
all of them on horseback, are treated with some attention and each
receives some little distinguishing touch, like the Normans, whose
horses " charge and prance ",' or the Bretons who " canter in the
manner of barons ".2 The poet knows something about cavalry
and sees that the muster of a great army before its advance into
Spain is an occasion for display. When all are gathered, the
forward movement begins with some majesty :
That Emperor canters in noble array,
Over his sark all of his beard displays ;
For love of him all others do the same,
Five score thousand Franks are thereby made plain,
They pass those peaks, those rocks and those mountains,
Those terrible narrows and those deep vales,
Then issue from the passes and the wastes
Till they come into the March of Spain.3
This is a military movement on a big scale and requires careful
handling. The poet gives force and speed to it and creates his
own simple poetry for a large army of horsemen on the move.
With matters such as arrivals and departures, getting up and
going to bed, feasts and celebrations, sailing, and riding, heroic
poets fill in the interstices between their more impressive and
exciting occasions. They may use these themes simply to keep
the narrative going, to make clear what happens, and to maintain
an air of reality. They may also use them for their own sake,
because even simple matters of this kind may have a quiet charm
and be interesting in their own right, f So far they pursue the
mechanics of narrative and are perfectly justified in doing so in an
art which seeks to create a complete world of its own, sufficiently
like the familiar world to cause no embarrassment. But sometimes
they advance beyond these obvious needs and turn a familiar theme
into something else, which sheds light on the hero's character or
surroundings or has its own excitement from what happens. In
this respect, as in others, heroic poetry uses its traditional devices
freely and fruitfully, but feels no obligation to confine itself within
them. ^ If the poet chooses, he can leave tradition behind and try
something new which has none the less a traditional background.
1 Roland, 3047. 2 Ibid. 3054. 3 Ibid. 3121-8.
214
VI
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION:
LANGUAGE
ALMOST without exception, heroic poetry is in the first place
intended not for a reading but for a listening public. Famous
poems may be written down to preserve them from oblivion, and
in due course there comes a time, as came in France in the
thirteenth century, when reading begins to have a vogue. But
this comes when heroic poetry has passed its prime and begun
to turn into something else. Both ancient and modern evidence
points to the conclusion that the heroic poet composes what is
to be heard and that his whole technique presupposes an audi-
ence listening to recitation. Ancient poems, like the Odyssey
and Beowulf, show how bards at the courts of Odysseus and
^ lays of heroic action to appreciative companies
_^
Mediaeval French andTfpamsh epics abound in lines in which
the poet addresses his public with such phrases as " I shall tell
you " or " you will see " or " you have heard ".* Modern ob-
servers among the Jugoslavs, Russians, Greeks, Albanians, Ainus,
and Asiatic Tatars report that it is the regular practice to chant
or recite a heroic poem, and collections of such poems are made,
directly or indirectly, from those who so perform them.(^ An art
which works in these conditions is necessarily different from one
which caters for books and reading. It has its own peculiarities
of technique which arise from the way in which the bard has to
work. He has before him an audience, often large, which listens
to him, and he has to keep its attention, to make everything clear
and interesting, and, above all, not to lose the thread of his narra-
tive. Though in matters of detail a listening public is less exact-
ing than individual readers, it is more exacting about main
episodes. It cannot skip the dull parts, and it insists on under-
standing what is told.j
r Recitation is the normal practice of heroic poetry because the
societies in which it was born and bred were originally illiterate.
But it is no longer confined to totally illiterate peoples. Indeed,
in the modern world totally illiterate peoples seem not to have
1 Cid, 2764, 3671, 1423 ; Aliscans, 249 ; GUI de Bourgogne, 4302; cf. R.
Men^ndez Pidal, Poesia juglaresca y juglares, p. 330 ff.
215 P
HEROIC POETRY
passed beyond the pre-heroic stage, if they have even reached so
far, while heroic poetry is common among peoples who know
something of writing.^The different texts of Gilgamish, whether
Babylonian or Hittite or Assyrian, come from societies in which
the cuneiform script was used not merely for religious and legal
texts but for hymns and annals. Homer mentions writing only
once, and then in a mysterious way, when he tells of the " deadly
signs " which Proetus, king of Corinth, writes in a " folded tablet "
and sends to the king of Lycia with intent to compass the death of
Bellerophon ; * but this is probably a traditional feature in an
ancient story and does not discredit the probability that writing
existed in Homer's time and that he must have known its use. In
the Norse Atlamdl Guthrun tries to communicate with her
brothers in a runic message and warn them of the doom which
Atli is preparing for them, but Vingi tampers with the text and
prevents it from being understood.2 Nor in modern times are
heroes necessarily illiterate. The Kara-Kirghiz Alaman Bet has
no difficulty in reading the Koran when he becomes a Moslem.3
Russian, Jugoslav, and Armenian heroes commonly write and read
letters. (Heroic poetry often exists in societies where writing is
practised in some form. It can even exist by the side of a written
literature which is contained in books!) Roland mentions both
Homer and Virgil,4 and it is possible that Virgil wa§jLUQwn, if
only indirectly, to the author of ffeowu^J^^f course the bards
themselves tend to stand outside" the world of letters and to rely
on the spoken word, but even this rule has its exceptions. There
are in Russia to-day singers of traditional songs, like Marfa
Kryukova and Peter Ryabinin-Andreev, who are fond of reading
but none the less compose poems for recitation in the old manner,
partly because many among their audiences are illiterate, but
chiefly because this kind of recitation is expected of them. (Heroic
poetry aims at recitation, and this explains many of its peculiarities.
tMuch heroic poetry is not only recited, but actually improvised.
There are degrees and kinds of improvisation, and there are places
where poets have passed beyond it to a more considered kind of
composition, but improvisation is common and may well be the
fundamental method of performance. The bard who recites a
poem composes it in the act of recitation.) This state of affairs
would seem almost incredible if it were not guaranteed by impec-
cable witnesses. It is the normal practice among Russian bards.
Gilferding observed that among the peasants of Lake Onega a
1 //. vi, 168-70; cf. Lorimer, p. 474. 2 Atlamdl, i.
3 Radlov, v, p. ii. 4 Roland, 2616. 5 Klaeber, p. cxxi.
2l6
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
singer never sang a by Una twice in the same way,1 and his evidence
is confirmed by Rybnikov, who took down songs from the same
singers on the same subjects as those heard by Gilferding, and we
can examine the two sets of records,2 For instance, the famous
bard, Trofim Grigorevich Ryabinin, sang twenty-four lays to
Rybnikov and eighteen to Gilferding, and the subjects of eight of
these are common to both lists, but not one poem is identical with
another. The main outlines are the same, but the details and the
length differ, and the explanation is that Ryabinin created a new
version of a poem each time that he recited it. He did not recall
a text verbally but improvised a fresh text round certain fixed
features in the story. Often enough the difference between two
versions lies mainly in the varying space given to conventional
themes and makes practically no difference to the total effect, but
this is not always the case. When Ryabinin sang of Ilya of Murom
and Tsar Kalin to Rybnikov 3 he gave quite a different story from
that which he sang later to Gilferding.4 The first version has 289
verses, and the second 616, and the difference of scale is to be
explained by more than a mere expansion of common themes. The
second poem has different episodes and almost a different temper.
What is true of Ryabinin is true of other bards from the same
district whose poems were recorded by Rybnikov and Gilferding,
and the evidence is conclusive that here at least the bard does not
repeat himself exactly but improvises afresh on each occasion.
Evidence for the practice of Jugoslav bards is not so complete
as it is for Russian, but it indicates a similar state of affairs.
Matthias Murko examined the methods of performance in Jugo-
slavia and discovered that the bards rely mainly on improvisation.5
A bard may hear a poem only two or three times and be able to
reproduce it, but he will not do so in the same words. To some
extent each performance is a new creation. No bard repeats the
same poem exactly word for word. Indeed in the course of years
he may introduce such changes into a subject that it becomes
unrecognisable. As he gets used to a theme, he may expand and
enrich it until his final version is two or three times as long as his
first. These observations were confirmed by Milman Parry in the
thirties of this century. He too found that each performance by
a poet produced what was virtually a new poem. Indeed, when he
asked a poet to recite the same poem in the same words as on a
previous occasion, the poet agreed to do so but produced in fact
1 Gilferding, i, p. 32. 2 Chett£oui, p. 26 ff.
3 Rybnikov, i, p. 35 ff. 4 Gilferding, ii, No. 75.
5 Zeitschr. d. Vereins f. Volkskunde (Berlin, 1909), p. 13 ff. ; Sitzungs-
berichte d. k. k. Akademie in Wien, Bd. 176 (1914-15).
217
HEROIC POETRY
something different. It is of course possible that some poems
have reached a kind of finality, and no one would dare to give them
a new form. But that is because they have been written down and
circulated and become widely known. Their texts have been
fixed, and they have passed into a national heritage. This is the
case with some of the poems about Kosovo which Vuk Karadzid
published in 1814. They have become classics, but that does not
mean that Karadzic himself repeated them from memory. The
poems which he published were collected by him from the bards
who sang them. Nor indeed has his collection prevented new
poems from being composed on the same subjects. Such are still
composed, as Murko and Parry found. The Jugoslav art of heroic
poetry is still one of improvisation.
A third example of improvisation can be found among the
Kara-Kirghiz. Their poetry was taken down by the great scholar,
V. Radlov, in the last forty years of the nineteenth century. His
account of what happens is explicit:
Every minstrel who has any skill at all always improvises his songs
according to the inspiration of the moment, so that he is not in a
position to recite a song twice in exactly the same form. . . . The
improvising minstrel sings without reflection, simply from his inner
being, that which is known to him as soon as the incentive to sing
comes from without, just as the words flow from the tongue of a
speaker without his producing intentionally and consciously the articu-
lations necessary to produce them, as soon as the course of his thoughts
requires this or that word.1
Radlov describes authentic improvisation and notes some import-
ant results which follow from it. The minstrel needs an audience
to get him going. In its presence he finds that his imagination
works freely. The more the audience enjoys his skill in choosing
the right expressions, the better he does his work. The way
in which a Kara- Kirghiz bard works is described by the Russian
traveller Venyukov, who was attached to an expeditionary column
in 1860 and watched with admiration the extemporary perform-
ance of a minstrel :
Every evening he attracted round him a crowd of gaping admirers,
who greedily listened to his stories and songs. His imagination was
remarkably fertile in creating feats for his hero — the son of some Khan
— and took most daring flights into the regions of marvel. The greater
part of the rapturous recitation was improvised by him as he proceeded,
the subject alone being borrowed from some tradition.2
1 Radlov, v, p. xvi ; cf. Chadwick, Growth, iii, p. 182.
2 J. and R. Michell, The Russians in Central Asia (London, 1865), p. 186 ;
cf. Chadwick, Growth, iii, p. 179.
2l8
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
This art is still practised among the Kara-Kirghiz, and recent
versions of the epic of Manas were taken down from two bards who
improvised as they recited. Improvisation is the first and earliest
form of heroic poetry, and has left its marks on the whole tech-
nique of the art.
The Russians, Jugoslavs, and Kara-Kirghiz show how im-
provisation works, and we are well informed about their methods.
But they are not the only people to practise it. Though full
evidence is lacking, there is little doubt that this kind of improvisa-
tion is practised also by the Ossetes, the Kalmucks, the Yakuts,
the Ainus, and the modern Greeks. When examples of their
poems exist in many variants, there seems so little probability of
there being any standard or fixed form that we must assume
that the minstrel re-creates the traditional material in his own
way. (Indeed, improvisation must have been the normal practice
in any society where the bard might be called at a moment's
notice to recite a poem on a new subject. When Beowulf routs
Grendel, his action immediately becomes a subject for a song by
Hrothgar's bard :
Who had made many vaunts, and was mindful of verses,
Stored with sagas, and songs of old,
Bound word to word in well-knit rime,
Welded his lay ; this warrior soon
Of Beowulf 's quest right cleverly sung.1
If this is not absolute improvisation, it is very close to it. The
bard may have had some warning of what he has got to do, but
he certainly has not had time to polish a complete poem in his
head. ^When Odysseus at the court of Alcinous calls on the
bard, Demodocus, for a song, he tells him what to sing, and
Demodocus, without more ado, proceeds to tell how the Achaeans
set fire to their camp and embarked on their ships.2 He is suffi-
ciently master of his technique and his material to provide with-
out preparation or pause a poem on the recent subject for which
he is asked. Moreover, he seems to' work in a special way, since
Alcinous says of him :
The god has given him singing,
And to give joy with his song as his spirit commands him to utter.3
If Demodocus* spirit urges him to sing, the suggestion is that he
does not repeat the songs of others or even songs which he has
himself prepared previously but follows his inspiration wherever
it takes him. So too in Ithaca the bard Phemius says of himself :
1 Beowulf, 868-72. * Od. viii, 44-5. 3 Ibid, xiii, 44-5.
2IQ
HEROIC POETRY
My own teacher am I, and in my soul God has planted
All the approaches of song.1
Phemius disclaims any debt to earlier singers and says that he is
divinely inspired. The word, of/zcu, which he uses of his songs
means literally " ways " or " approaches " and suggests that he
can approach any theme. Perhaps even more striking is the
passage in the Homeric Hymn to Hermes, in which the young god
begins to sing, e£ avTovxeSfys,2 which can only mean " im-
promptu ". We can hardly doubt that improvisation was known
both to Homer and to the author ofJBeowulf. We need not assume
that they themselves practised it, but their art may well have been
affected by it.
This evidence suggests that improvisation is a normal practice
among composers of heroic poetry. The minstrel, whether in
Jutland or Ithaca, in Russia or Jugoslavia, learns his craft, includ-
ing his stories, and creates a new poem each time that he performs.
Naturally this demands special powers, and it is not surprising that
minstrels claim to have supernatural support. The ancient Greek
poets said that their words came from the Muse. This must mean
that in composition they exercised a power akin in some ways to
what modern poets call inspiration, but which they were almost
able to summon at will when they found themselves confronted by
an audience calling for a song. Nor were they wrong in calling the
Muses the Daughters of Memory ; for such inspiration works only
because the poet has memorised many devices and phrases which
help him to compose. So Homer begins both the Iliad and the
Odyssey with invocations to the Muse, whether to sing of the
wrath of Achilles or of the man of many wiles. So too Hesiod
makes a similar claim when he says that he was taught poetry by
the Muses,3 when he was keeping sheep on the slopes of Helicon.
Nor are such claims confined to antiquity, since, as we have seen,
a Kara- Kirghiz bard told Radlov that God had implanted the gift
of song in his heart and that he could sing of any theme, although
he had learned none of his songs.4 This remarkable activity of the
creative spirit lies behind much heroic poetry and dictates to it
some of its special characteristics.
When we say that a poet improvises, it is important to know
exactly what we mean. I It is not a wild flood of words which flows
from his lips but an orderly stream which his hearers find familiar
in vocabulary and in metre. Though each version which he gives
of a story may differ in details and turns of phrase, these details
1 Od. xxii, 347-8. 2 Horn. Hymn, iv, 55.
3 Theogony, 22 if. 4 Radlov, v, p. xviii ; cf. sup. p. 41.
220
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
come from his repertory and are themselves formalised and
traditional. Improvisation is based on what Radlov calls " ele-
ments of production ". The poet learns in the first place a number
of stories and becomes acquainted with their chief persons and
their main characteristics ; these provide him with the material
for his work. Normally he restricts himself to these accepted and
familiar stories, and, though he may often change them or add to
them, they are the basis of his craft. In the second place he learns
a large number of formulae, both short and long, suited to the
metre in which he composes, and these enable him to rise im-
mediately to most needs that his subject forces on him. These
formulae are in the main traditional ; for, once a good formula has
been found, poets use it freely without considerations of copyright.
If formulae prove useful, they may last for centuries, and there is
no call to abandon them just because they are familiar. Indeed
their familiarity gives them a special dignity and commands
respect^) For instance the modern Russian minstrel, Marfa
Kryukova, speaks of " stone-built Moscow " in a poem on a
contemporary subject because it is the usual formula for any
reference to Moscow and occurs in countless poems, of which
the oldest known to us is that on the failure of the Crimean Tsar,
as Richard James recorded it in 1619.
Improvised heroic poetry could hardly exist without formulae.
The task of composition would be too difficult and too uncertain
for almost any bard. He could not trust himself to complete a
poem without hesitating for a phrase or even breaking down when
he began to be tired or found his concentration disturbed. Of
course, even as it is, poets break down, and the scholars who have
recorded the Russian byliny show how sometimes the bards forsake
verse for prose, no doubt because the strain of poetical composi-
tion is too much for them. But this is a failure in professional
honour, and may even do them harm, since the case of the Altai
Tatars, who are said never to listen again to a bard who breaks
down,1 may not be unique. But if the bard has his formulae at his
command, they will help him to surmount almost any difficulty.
His poem will not always be of the finest quality, but it will at least
be a poem so long as his technique is at work. For instance,
Radlov records that the Kara- Kirghiz bard who sang The Birth
of Manas seemed not to be at his best or entirely at his ease because
the subject was not in his usual repertory,2 but his command of
formulae enabled him to produce something tolerably interesting
and coherent. The use of formulae is fundamental to improvised
1 Kogutet, p. 7 fi. 2 Radlov, v, p. xiii.
221
HEROIC POETRY
oral poetry, which could not really exist without them. Of course
the more skilful minstrels not only know more formulae than their
less gifted fellows but use them more adroitly and even add to their
number with others of their own creation. But the formula
remains the foundation of improvised poetry.
A formula is a set of words which is used, with little or no
change, whenever the situation with which it deals occurs. It
may thus be very short like the familiar combinations of nouns
and adjectives which occur in most heroic poetry ; it may be a
single line, or it may be a set of lines up to a dozen or so in number.
In principle all these formulae are of the same kind and perform
the same function of helping the poet to surmount such and such
a need when it occurs. But in practice formulae fall into at least
two classes. On the one side are the noun- adjective combinations,
like " blue sea " or " dark death ", in which a noun, whether it
applies to a common object or an individual person, is usually
accompanied by what is called a " fixed epithet ". The phrase is
not entirely happy, since in the first place the noun may some-
times occur without its usual epithet, and in the second place
it may sometimes have another epithet. But the noun-adjective
combination has a special character because in it the epithet,
being formulaic, performs no very obvious function so far as the
narrative is concerned. It is easy to call it " decorative ", but that
is to put too great an emphasis on it, since we may become so used
to it that we hardly notice it when it occurs, and in that case there
is not much point in speaking of its decorative value. Its task is
to help the poet in composition, and though it hardly ever troubles
us and may have its own charm, it is not really useful so far as the
story is concerned. On the other hand there are repeated phrases,
which may be parts of lines, or single whole lines, or sets of whole
lines. These differ from the noun-adjective combinations in
being strictly functional and necessary to the narrative. They have
of course their own charm and may at times have considerable
poetical appeal, but their first duty is to deal with the machinery
of action, to tell how certain recurring events happen. Since these
events may not be very interesting in themselves, little is lost by
recording them in formulaic words.
Not all heroic poetry shows these two kinds of formulaic
elements on the same scale. Indeed it may on the whole be
divided into two classes. In one the formulae are used abundantly
and follow certain rules ; in the other there are many traces of them
but they are not ubiquitous. To the first class belong the lays of
the Russians, the Jugoslavs, the Kara-Kirghiz, the Kalmucks, and
222
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
the Yakuts, and no doubt an examination of other languages
would show similar results. If we can establish the principles by
which they are used in these five languages, we should be able to
see what the formula does for a large class of poetry, and from that
we can advance to consider the second class in which it is used
somewhat differently.
Noun-adjective combinations seem to be an ancient possession
of the Slavonic peoples. They are already present in the Tale of
Igor's Raid, composed in 1187, which speaks of " grey wolves ",
" open plain ", " scarlet shields ", " black ravens ", " tempered
sabres ", " green grass ", " Frankish steel ", and " valiant
retinue ". They are not quite fixed or constant, but it is clear that
even at this date the poet felt the need for them. Indeed some of
these combinations may be older than this, since a certain number
of them occur both in Russian and Jugoslav poems and may derive
from a common ancestry before the Slavonic peoples had been
divided into their present branches. Such are " white town ",
" white hand ", " white face ", " bitter tears ", " good hero ", and
" good steed ". From this common basis the Russians and the
Jugoslavs have developed separately their own combinations. The
Russians habitually speak of " damp mother earth ", " free open
plain ", " silken bowstring ", " stone-built Moscow ", " honeyed
drinks ", " sweet food ", " oaken table ", " blue sea ", " splendid
honourable feast ", " dark forest ", " white breast ", " rebellious
head ", " green garden " and the like. The Jugoslavs similarly
speak of " black earth ", " broad highway ", " wide plain ",
'* green mountains ", " cool wine ", " sugared cakes ", " heavy
maces ", " helpless children ", and " skilful barbers ". The same
technique is used for proper names whether of places or of persons.
The Russians speak of " glorious city of Kiev ", " Novgorod the
great ", " glorious rich city of Volhynia ", " Vladimir, prince of
royal Kiev ", " Sadko the merchant, the rich stranger ", " Ilya of
Murom, the old Cossack ", " the terrible Tsar, Ivan Vasilevich ",
" bold Alyosha Popovich ", *' young Volga Svyatoslavovich ", and
c< Tugarin, the Dragon's son ". So too the Jugoslavs speak of
" fair Miroc mountain ", " Rudnik the white town ", <c level
Kragujevac ", '* Vucitrn the white-walled village ", " Vuk the
Firedrake ", u the spiritual head, the Archimandrite ", c< Novak
Krstovic, the swift champion of Montenegro ", u mighty Philip
the Magyar ". The Slavonic noun-combinations are not in them-
selves very exciting, but they have an ancient lineage and show
how the technique is used without literary pretences or ambitions.
As a counterpart to these European examples we may set the
223
HEROIC POETRY
practice of three Asiatic peoples. In Kara- Kirghiz poems noun-
adjective combinations are extremely common. In addition to the
formulae for simple things like " red sun ", " tall horse ", " golden
bed ", " white milk ", " sweet sugar ", " princely dwelling ",
" strong brandy ", " high, black cap ", " black sweat ", " white
breast ", " white foam ", there are other more elaborate and more
striking like " golden tent of white camel's hair ", " leopard-skin
saddle-cloth ", " waterless steppe ", " blue falconer's drum ".
The chief heroes are distinguished by vivid titles like " Alaman
Bet the tiger-like ", " Adshu Bai the sharp-tongued >J, " Er Joloi
with a mouth like a drinking-horn ", " bald-pated Kongyr Bai ",
" Kanykai, daughter of princes ", " Bakai Khan, son of the rich ",
" Sematai, the young hero ", while places and peoples receive a
fullness of attention outside anything in Slavonic poetry, like
" Bokhara of the seven gates ", " the jabbering Chinese whose
language no one understands " or " the stinking Kalmucks, with
round tasselled caps, who cut up pork and tie it to saddles ". The
noun-adjective combinations are extremely common and more
elaborate than in Slavonic poetry. They have indeed developed
their own brilliance. They are not usually necessary to the plot,
but they throw a sidelight on its events and characters.
Something similar can be seen among the Kalmucks, whose
poetry abounds in formulae of a great richness and variety.
The noun- adjective combinations include such fine specimens as
" motley yellow domes " for tents, " silver-bottomed streams ",
" high white mountains ", " saddles strong as an anvil ", " golden
yellow road ", " red dust ", " humped earth ", " glancing eyes,
proud with drinking ", " stance like a grown sandalwood tree ",
" setting fiery sun ", " old yellow-headed swan ", " silken garment
worth a million silver kopecs ". Numbers play a mysterious part
and perform their own functions, as in " land of thirty-three saints "
or " six thousand and twelve chosen warriors " of Dzhangar's
company. The heroes have elaborate Mongolian titles, but are also
called by simpler names. Dzhangar is " khan " or " ruler " or
" renowned " or " terrible " ; Ulan-Khongor is " of the red bay "
or " the tower " or " the drunken " ; other warriors are " white
champion of lions ", " blinding sun ", " red medley of storms ".
Places are similarly distinguished, whether mountains like " the
lion Altai " and " Samban, source of winds ", or waters like " the
holy sea of Bumba " or " the flowing stream, Artai ". Indeed the
Kalmuck poems are so loaded with formulaic phrases that at times
the action is rather obstructed by them, though it is fair to say that,
when a crisis comes, it is usually managed with economy and speed.
224
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
Like the Kara-Kirghiz poems, those of the Kalmucks suggest a
people deeply interested in poetry, and this may partly account for
this richness. But age too may have something to do with it.
The Kalmuck formulae seem to be of considerable antiquity and
look as if they had been polished and elaborated with the passage
of years.
A third Asiatic people whose poetry abounds in noun- adjective
combination are the Yakuts, who use them almost as abundantly
as the Kara- Kirghiz and the Kalmucks. Their favourite forms are
usually quite simple, like " black mother night ", " red day ",
" blessed world ", " iron pillar ", " silver-breasted lark ", " good
horse ", " white tufted clouds ", " echoing, wide sky ", " silver
sables ", " mighty thunder ", " sturdy tree ", " fiery star ", " iron
cradle ", " yellow butter ". The human characters are also
decorated with epithets, though these are sometimes woven into
their names and are almost indistinguishable from them. Still
there are such cases as " Suodal, the one-legged warrior ",
" Karakhkhan, the rich lord ", " Yukeiden, the beautiful white
butterfly ", and " Dzhessin, the old warrior ". The Yakut world
lies in remote regions of Siberia and lacks the scope which the
Kara- Kirghiz have gained from their contacts with China, or the
Kalmucks from memories of the time when they lived on the edges
of Tibet. Yet their poetry has the same general character and
shows the same main characteristics, one of which is its frequent
use of noun-adjective combinations.
Though such combinations are to be found not merely in the
poetry of the peoples just examined but in others as well, their
purpose is not immediately obvious. They are not always elegant
or delightful ; indeed sometimes they are flat and feeble. Aesthetic
considerations cannot be the original reason for their existence.
Nor at first sight are they of great use to the bard in improvisation.
We might think that he could dispense with them, since on the
whole they are short and do not carry him far. Of course they
serve to keep clear the personality of a man or a woman or the
main characteristics of a place, but that does not explain why they
are so commonly and so consistently used not merely of people but
of things and even of very commonplace things which need no
such means to distinguish them. It is also true that many of them
must be traditional, and this may be the reason why poets use them
now, but it does not explain why they came into existence in many
different countries. They must serve a use in the composition of
a poem, and the answer is that they make the poet's task easier.
In so far as a noun qualified by an adjective takes longer to say
225
HEROIC POETRY
than an unaccompanied noun, it helps the poet and enables him
to think ahead for just that particle of time which is necessary in
improvising. They are not his only means for doing this, but they
are a not unimportant means. By loosening the texture of his
poetry through these largely otiose words, the poet can proceed
more calmly and more confidently. Moreover, the formula, which
exists for this reason, serves a secondary purpose. When we
listen to the recitation of an improvised poem, the fixed phrases
become so familiar that we hardly notice them. When they occur,
our attention is momentarily slackened and our minds rested.
The formulae are important to oral improvised poetry because
they make it easier for the audience to listen as well as for the poet
to compose.
When poetry abounds in noun-adjective combinations, it has
also repeated lines and sets of lines, which are the indispensable
links in a story and do an unassuming task for it. Their frequent
occurrence in the Russian byliny shows how the poets rely on them.
Indeed the Russian minstrels seem to use formulaic phrases for
almost any ordinary occasion. A man sets out to do something :
He flung his boots on his bare feet,
His fur-cloak over his shoulder,
His sable cap over one ear.
He goes out for sport :
Shooting geese, white swans,
And little feathered grey ducks.
He destroys his enemies :
He trampled them down with his horse and slew them with his spear,
He trampled down and slew the host in a short time.
He abuses his horse : *•
" Ho, you food for wolves, you grass-bag ;
Will you not go on, or can you not carry me ? "
He rides into a palace :
He entered the spacious court-yard,
He stood his horse in the middle of the court-yard,
He went into the palace of white stone.
Time passes :
Day after day, as the rain falls,
Week after week, as the grass grows,
Year after year, as the river flows.
226
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
A company of guests is frightened :
They could not think of a reply,
The taller of them hid behind the lesser,
And the lesser for their part were speechless.
Such passages, and many others of the same kind, are extremely
common. They may vary in small respects from poet to poet, but
they play a large part in the composition of byliny. No poem is
without them, and in most they take up considerable space.
Much the same can be said of the Jugoslav poems. Their
opening lines are highly conventional and standardised. In
addition to the stock themes of birds flying, warriors drinking or
riding out, we find such lines as
God of mercy, what a mighty marvel !
or
In a vision dreamed a pretty maiden
or
Rose a maiden early in the morning.
But the great mass of such formulaic lines and sets of lines are to
be found in the main episodes of the poems. They are contrived
to meet recurrent needs, and are in fact used when such needs
arise. A well set-up man appears in a standard guise :
Never was a man of greater stature,
Never was a man more broad of shoulder ;
What a knightly aspect was the hero's !
A battle begins :
God in Heaven, thanks for Thy great goodness !
Often did the armies clash in combat,
In the spreading plainland match their forces.
It continues :
Many of the army then were slaughtered,
Filled with deep dismay were those remaining
A hero prepares to go out :
Then he girded on his rich-wrought sabre,
And he cast his wolf-skin cloak about him.
A new day begins :
When the day was dawning on the morrow.
An old man is described :
With a white beard all his breast is covered,
And it reaches to his silken girdle.
227
HEROIC POETRY
A maiden praises a man :
When he speaks, it's like a ringdove cooing,
When he laughs, it's like the sun's warmth spreading.
The Turks assert their domination :
Evil deeds they did throughout the country.
Nor are these formulaic passages always short. They sometimes
extend to a dozen or more lines, and often to half a dozen.
Jugoslav formulaic repetitions differ from the Russians in that they
vary less from poem to poem in minor details and tend to follow a
strict model. But they perform a similar function and are indis-
pensable to the mechanics of a story.
When we turn from the European to the Asiatic poems, we
find very much the same technique. The Kara- Kirghiz poets
delight in standard groups of lines and show their usual indi-
viduality in them. They use them for such matters as the coming
of night :
In the west night fell,
Ominous shadows fell,
or for a horse galloping :
It flies from crest to crest
On the white hot hills,
On the endless slopes,
or for the coming of morning :
When the dawn of day broke,
And the constellation of the Wain set,
When the sun rose up bright.
The ordinary machinery of the tales is usually dealt with in such
ways. But there are other formulaic passages which are more
ingenious and adapted to less expected situations, as when servants
welcome a stranger :
One took his white horse,
One opened the door,
One secured it after the fashion of the Sarts ;
Out of the great golden chest
They brought strong brandy ;
or when a hero is born :
His upper half was of gold,
His lower half was of silver,
After two days he said " Mother ",
After seven days he said " Father ".
228
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
or goes out to track his runaway slaves :
Your steps I will trace
To the waterless steppe.
Kudai will cause you to come in my way.
I will ride to bring this about,
All alone against a thousand foes.
The Kara- Kirghiz compose on a large scale and have plenty of
room for highly developed formulaic passages. In them, as in
their noun-adjective combinations, a vigorous and creative
tradition is at work.
The Kalmuck art is very similar. Formulae are, if anything,
more abundant than in the . Kara- Kirghiz poems and are often
quite long. The great hero, Dzhangar, is often described in the
same words, as he is introduced :
Under his motley yellow dome
He has passed all his time,
As they say, at the point of his spear ;
or when he sits in state :
Higher than everyone,
On his golden lion throne.
His dwelling is praised in conventional form :
The dwelling of the high ruler,
A wonder of wonders in all lands under the sun,
In all the lands of the eight thousand khans.
A notable warrior is introduced :
See what a warrior commands
The seven circles around him.
When he saddles his horse
He sat on his stallion,
He set his heavy bear-skin on his shoulder,
And went forth to meet his famous enemy.
Time of day is indicated :
When the yellow sun rises over the earth
or
In the dawn before the sunrise.
With such phrases and many others like them the Kalmucks build
up elaborate patterns, and at times whole long passages are made of
such formulaic elements. Many of the phrases occur several
times within a short space, and there is no doubt that they are the
poet's instruments of composition.
229
HEROIC POETRY
The poetry of the Yakuts is equally rich in formulaic elements
of this kind. Their methods of narration is less impeded than
that of the Kalmucks, and their formulae tend to be less detailed,
but are none the less useful. The Yakut stories are set in a vast
land where woods are haunted by demons and the weather is
fierce and faithless. So the formulae help the presentation of
this natural setting. A thunderstorm comes :
Thunder roared above,
And heavy rain poured down.
Night descends in high style :
Shadows of black night thickened,
Black mother-night began,
Gray mother-night covered all.
The forest has its beauty and its mystery :
The bark on it was of silver,
The needles of gold,
The bosses of silver, enormous.
The movements of characters are often described in formulae :
Thither he departed,
He went straight to the west.
Even demons introduce themselves with an agreeable convention :
My songs are a thick cloud,
My cry snow and rain,
My chant a black mist,
My tidings a hurricane !
A story ends simply, in some such form as
Then they lived in wealth and happiness.
The circumstances of Yakut poetry may be unusual, but its for-
mulae are operated in very much the same way as elsewhere.
These five languages, Russian, Jugoslav, Kara-Kirghiz, Kal-
muck, and Yakut, show the formulae at work, whether in noun-
adjective combinations or in repeated lines and passages. A similar
art is practised by other Tatar peoples of Asia, like the Uzbeks,
by the Ossetes, the Ainus, the modern Greeks, the Albanians, and
the Bulgars. Indeed this seems to be the normal technique for
poetry which is composed and recited orally, with no thought of
being written down or read. But though this poetry abounds in
formulae, it is hardly ever entirely formulaic. It seems usually to
leave something for the bard to do. Formulae are commonest
when he is not very gifted or not quite himself or forced to sing on
a subject which he has had little time to prepare.
230
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
If formulae are indispensable to the improvising bard, they
are also helpful to any listening audience. First, just as the bard
rests himself for a fragment of a second while he uses a noun-
adjective combination, so too the audience on hearing it can also
ease its attention, since the phrase is familiar and demands no
effort of comprehension. Since listening to a poem is by no means
easy even for people trained to it, any such small help is worth
having. Secondly, most formulae are traditional and familiar, and
their very familiarity makes the audience feel at home and know
in what world of the imagination it is moving. When we consider
how conservative most primitive peoples are in their tastes and
how much they dislike innovation on any substantial scale, we can
see that they will like to be comforted in this way. If they know
where they are, they will enjoy all the more the slight novelties
which the bard may introduce into his telling of an old tale. For
this reason the formulae come to be liked for their own sake as old
friends, and the omission of them would leave the audience uneasy
and unsatisfied, as if they had not had their proper poetical fare.
Thirdly, if a poet has mastered the old formulae, he can then, no
doubt with caution, proceed to invent new ones which suit the
traditional tone but add something unfamiliar to the subject. His
success in this will be judged by the ease with which he fits his new
formulae into the old structure, and it is notable that, when modern
Russian bards introduce new formulae for modern characters, they
are careful to acclimatise them to the ancient technique. So,
though the existence of formulae is due in the first place to the
needs of bards in improvisation, their persistence and survival are
no less due to the demands of audiences who expect them, like
them, and even need them if they are to respond fully to what the
bard says.
It is clear that in oral poetry there is also an element of what
may be called free invention. The bard is so well in control of
himself and his tale that he is able to invent without pause for
thought. No doubt he has planned beforehand what he is going
to say, and with the tenacious memory of the unlettered is able to
carry it without trouble in his head. But for this he must have
considerable ability and time to sort his material out. He may also
be assisted by the fact that some subjects are so popular and so
often treated that he will know all their main points and be able to
add improvements at his ease. Indeed some such explanation as
this may account for the Jugoslav poems on Kosovo, which have
indeed certain formulaic elements but leave them behind for their
high moments. The texts, as we have them, were collected by
231 Q
HEROIC POETRY
Vuk Karadzic at the beginning of the nineteenth century and
represent versions current at that time. By then their themes,
which may be as old as the fourteenth century, were so well known
that a poet could easily leave formulae behind and pass to free
invention, especially as none of these poems is at all long, and it is
easier for a poet to invent freely when he knows that only a short
performance is expected of him. If we compare these pieces with
some of the long poems recorded by Milman Parry in 1934, we
see a great difference in the use of formulae. Parry's bards were
urged to sing a long tale and did so by employing formulae freely.
With Karadzic's bards it was different. A poem of a hundred or
so lines is more easily composed and retained in the head than a
poem of several thousand. In this kind of poetry it is not a question
of abandoning formulae altogether, but of reducing the part
played by them in a short poem.
There is no fundamental or necessary reason why an oral poet
should not supplement his traditional language with new elements
of his own making. In Sagymbai Orozbakov's version of Manas
there are recurring phrases which are undeniably formulaic but
look as if they were his own invention or at least learned by him
from someone who has changed the old manner of dealing with
familiar subjects. They are not what the poets known to Radlov
used in similar situations, and Orozbakov shows that one poet does
not necessarily use the same formulae as another. Perhaps in
composing a poem on a very large scale he felt that he must be
more original and varied than his predecessors who did not reach
a quarter of his length. The coming of night is, for instance, a
stock theme in Kara- Kirghiz, as in other heroic poetry, but in
Orozbakov's Manas it has a new form :
Rolling shadows fell,
Ominous night fell,
All grew deaf around,
The earth vanished around.1
So too when a great company assembles, it is dealt with formulaic-
ally :
They came from forty ends of the earth,
They numbered forty regiments.2
These cases look conventional enough, and, though we cannot be
certain that they are not the poet's invention, or at least the
product of the school to which he belongs, they show that even for
quite simple purposes it is permissible and possible to produce
1 Manas, p. 51. 2 Jbid. p. 52.
232
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
variant formulae which are not those in common use. Of course
their function is the same as that of the conventional formulae,
and we soon become accustomed to them and treat them in the
same way. If in this case we can compare new poems with old
and establish the presence of innovations, it may well be possible
that, if we could do the same in other cases, we might find a con-
siderable element of invention even in well-worn and familiar
topics. It seems clear that in oral poetry, even when formulae
are common owing to the requirements of improvisation, there
remains a large element of non-formulaic language which the
skilful poet so harmonises with the traditional mannerisms that
we hardly notice it. If formulae imply improvisation, it does not
rely wholly upon them but often creates its own means of ex-
pression.
Compared with these poems the Homeric poems present a
special problem. No one can dispute the formulaic character of
Homer's language. Indeed it suggests a derivation from a long
tradition of oral composition. He abounds in both classes of
formulae. In the first twenty-five lines of the Iliad there are at
least twenty-five formulae of one kind or another, and in the first
twenty-five lines of the Odyssey there are about thirty- three.1
Nor are these passages exceptional ; they give a fair sample of
how the poems are composed. There is hardly a passage in either
poem in which there are not many small formulae, while about a
third of each poem consists of lines or blocks of lines repeated
elsewhere. Nor is this a characteristic of Homer alone ; it is no
less true of other poems like those of Hesiod, the Homeric Hymns,
and the fragments of lost epics. At the start it is clear that the
formula plays a more important part in ancient Greek heroic
poetry than in any oral poetry which we have examined. There
seems to be hardly any department into which it does not penetrate.
It is present equally in the machinery of narrative and in the
highest flights of poetry, though here it is managed with uncommon
tact and seldom makes itself noticeable. Homer clearly derives
his art from a powerful tradition which has worked out formulae
for almost every occasion, and his task was to make a good use
of them.
Homer's noun- adjective combinations have a range and a
variety unequalled by any other heroic poet. There is hardly a
person or a thing which has not got its distinguishing adjective,
and many of these have an entrancing appeal. No doubt some of
the epithets for his heroes are intended to do no more than tell
1 Parry, Studies, i, p. 118 ff.
233
HEROIC POETRY
who they are and establish their credentials in our memories.
That is why Achilles is " son of Peleus ", Agamemnon " son of
Atreus ", Odysseus " son of Laertes ". That too is why Agamem-
non is also " king of men ", Nestor " the Gerenian knight ", and
Eumaeus " the noble swineherd ". Such epithets fix a character
and give him his place in the story. But Homer goes far beyond
this. Many of his adjectives are purely and delightfully decorative.
Nothing but pleasure is given by such epithets as " of the glancing
helmet " for Hector, " long-robed " for Helen or Thetis, " white-
armed " for Hera, " cloud-gathering " for Zeus, " plague of men "
for Ares. Nor are gods and heroes the only recipients of this
attention. All animals and things are treated equally and in each
case a touch of poetry makes the phrase live, whether in the
" loudly-resounding " or " wine-dark " or " echoing " sea, or
" shadowy mountains ", or " rosy-fingered dawn ", or death
" who lays at length ", or " windless " sky, or " long-shadowing "
spear, or " echoing " rivers, or " mountain-bred " lion, or
" shameless " fly, or " windy " Troy, or Mycenae " rich in gold ",
or " hollow " Lacedaemon. Such epithets, and many others like
them, must have been evolved by a long process in which poets
eliminated much that seemed dull or pointless and kept those
epithets which have both charm and truth. If we compare
Homer's noun-adjective combinations with those of the Russian
or Jugoslav poets, we find a vast difference of quality between them.
While the Russian and Jugoslav phrases are strictly useful, Homer's
are not only useful but imaginative and illuminating.
This wealth of noun-adjective combinations is matched by an
equal wealth of repeated lines and passages. There is hardly a
situation for which Homer has not a formulaic line or passage.
He has them for all the machinery of narrative, for speech and
answer, morning and evening, sleeping and waking, weapons,
ships putting to sea and coming to land, feasts and sacrifices,
greeting and farewell, marriage and death. He has formulae for
what might seem to be not very common occurrences like the two
dogs who accompany a prince when he goes out, the slave woman
with whom a man will not sleep for fear of his wife's anger,
fruit-trees that make a pleasant place, sea-birds on the shore, the
ragged garb of a beggar, the horse-hair plume that nods on a
helmet, the stones of which a house or a wall is built, the treasure
that lies at the bottom of a chest, the noise that a key makes when
it is turned in a lock. Moreover, Homer uses his formulae with
an unexpected rigour. The mechanism of the narrative is con-
veyed through formulae which are never altered so long as the
234
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
metrical requirements are the same. When dawn comes, it is
always :
Now when the early-born rose-fingered Dawn had arisen.
Night comes :
When the sun had gone down, and darkness had followed upon it.
A man falls in battle :
Down he fell with a crash, and loud rang his armour upon him.
A feast ends :
When they had put from them all desire for eating and drinking.
A man dies :
Then did dark-coloured death and powerful destiny take him.
When a formula meets his need, Homer uses it without change,
even though it extends to several lines, as when heroes get ready
their chariots, or their ships, or when food is served, or a sacrifice
conducted. The convention is powerful, and Homer observes it
rigorously.
In dealing with noun-adjective combinations, which usually
occupy only part of a line, Homer is equally strict, though he
follows different rules. Roughly, as Milman Parry has shown,1
it may be said that the formula in a given case is determined by
the needs of the metrical structure and by the place which the
formula has to take in it. In a given place or part of the line the
same thing or person is always represented by the same formula,
and variations are determined entirely by what case the appropriate
substantive is in. There are, for instance, 36 different noun-
adjective combinations for Achilles. The number is large because
his name is used in all five cases, but the use of each combination
is decided by the place which it has to occupy in the line. In
several hundred cases there are only two exceptions : one, when
Achilles is called not 770809 WKVS but ^eyadv^os,2 the other when
he is addressed not as #eofr emeiVccA* 'AxtAAeu but as Su'^tAc
<£ai'Si//,' 'AxiAAeu.3 The same rule applies to other persons and
things, and exceptions are very few.4 The combination used is
settled by its place in the line and its case, and at that place hardly
any other combination is used. Technique so described may sound
very complicated and artificial. We feel that the poet must
1 Vfipithete traditionnelle dans Homere and Les Formules et la metrique
d* Homere, both Paris, 1928.
2 //. xxiii, 1 68. 3 Ibid.^xxii, 216.
4 Examples are discussed by Parry in ISEpithete traditionnelle y p. 221 ff.
235
HEROIC POETRY
master considerable gymnastics before he can control so curious
an art. But in fact the Homeric language is not in the least com-
plicated to read. Homer is one of the most straightforward and
direct of poets ; he is seldom ambiguous or obscure, nor does his
attachment to formulae mean that he is sometimes slightly off
the point ; his words flow with a remarkably natural movement
which presents a marked contrast to the hesitations and circum-
volutions of Beowulf. The fact that, with all his strict observance
of these rules, he is still perfectly easy and natural reflects the great-
est credit both on him and on them. They have clearly succeeded
in their task of making poetry easier for the poet, and though no
doubt it took time and labour to master them, Homer's years of
apprenticeship were well rewarded by the style which it gave him.
If we compare Homer's use of language with that of any of
the peoples whose improvised poetry we have examined, we see
that, though it resembles them in having its origin in improvisation
and serves similar ends, it differs in more than one respect. We
cannot say that his language is older than any of theirs, since we
know nothing of its beginnings except that they must lie in a distant
past. But it has certainly been organised for poetry to a degree
which is not to be found elsewhere. This may partly be due to its
metre. The heroic hexameter, based on the quantity of syllables
and formed on a " falling " rhythm of six dactyls, of which the
last is truncated, is a much stricter and more exacting metre than
those of the Russians, Jugoslavs, or Asiatic Tatars. It has indeed
its licences, notably in its artificial lengthening of short syllables
and its occasional tolerance of hiatus between vowels, but this only
emphasises how rigorous it is in other ways, and how difficult it is
to fit the Greek language into this demanding and exacting form.
Now a poet who improvises in a difficult metre is faced with a much
sterner task than, say, a Russian poet whose line is determined
neither by the quantity of syllables nor by their number but by
accents which he himself puts on in chanting. It follows that, in
order to make improvisation in the Greek hexameter possible,
a technique had to be invented which provided minstrels with
a great array of phrases and indeed prepared them for almost
any emergency. That is why Homer has far more formulae than
even the most formulaic poets from other countries. For them
relatively easy metres allowed a degree of free composition ; for
the Greeks free composition was almost out of the question, and
the formula must always be ready to help.
This difference of metre accounts for another difference,
which is most marked between Homer and the Russian minstrels,
236
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
though it is important also between him and the Jugoslavs.
Whenever he deals with a standard situation, he uses, as we have
seen, the same form of words, for the good reason that these fit
the metre and it would be a waste of labour to invent an alter-
native form. Now the Russians are in some ways more conven-
tional than Homer ; at least they begin episodes with much less
invention and variety than he does. But in such beginnings,
which are a good example of formulaic practice, they do not
confine themselves to a single form of words for a single theme.
They keep the substance but make various changes in the form.
An extremely common example of such an opening is the theme
of a feast given by Prince Vladimir. But this occurs with several
minor variations. Trofim Ryabinin begins his Ilya's Quarrel with
Vladimir :
Glorious Vladimir of royal Kiev,
He prepared a glorious, honourable feast
For his host of princes and boyars,
And glorious, mighty powerful heroes.1
The bard known as " the Bottle " begins his Staver :
In the glorious city of Kiev,
It happened that gracious Prince Vladimir
Made a banquet, an honourable feast,
For his company of princes and boyars.2
Another bard, L. Tupitsyn, begins his Dobrynya and Vasili,
Casimir's Son :
By generous prince Vladimir,
The little sun, the son of Svyatoslav,
Was given an honourable feast,
For many knights and boyars,
For every bold woman-warrior,
For all his gallant company. 3
Almost every poet has his own way of treating this theme, though
the details which he adds or omits are of very little importance
either to the poetry or to the story. Nor indeed do single poets
confine themselves to a single form of words. For instance,
Ryabinin begins his Dobrynya and Vasili, Casimir's Son with an
opening somewhat different from what he uses in Ilya's Quarrel
with Vladimir :
By the glorious prince Vladimir
Was given a feast, a banquet
For mighty princes, for boyars,
For powerful Russian warriors. 4
1 Gilferding, ii, p. 38. 2 Rybnikov, i, p. 202.
3 Andreev, p. 123. 4 Rybnikov, i, p. 43.
237
HEROIC POETRY
Since the Russian minstrel is not restricted to a very exact metre,
he is able to vary his language in a way that Homer does not and
indeed cannot.
The metre of Jugoslav heroic poetry is much stricter than that
of Russian. It is based on accent and is normally a trochaic
pentameter like
God of mercy ! what a mighty marvel !
It allows licences with accent but no more than are allowed in
quite regular English verse equally based on accent. For this
reason many of its formulae remain fixed and are not liable to
variation, especially the single lines which occur so frequently at
the beginning of a poem. None the less this metre is better
adapted to Jugoslav than the hexameter is to Greek, and easier
to compose. Indeed the Jugoslav metre has shown its adaptability
by the way in which it can accommodate almost any proper name
or account of technical events. But the ease with which the
Jugoslav metre adapts itself to new themes means that it lacks the
suppleness and variety of the Greek hexameter, and in conse-
quence its formulae are less carefully woven into the text. They
stand out prominently, often at the beginning of a line, like the
theme of a person rising early, which nearly always appears in the
same place :
In the morning rose a Turkish maiden . . .
In the morning Marko rose up early . . .
In the morning Oblak made all ready . . .
or the theme of drinking wine, which varies only between singular
and plural in the verb :
Drinking wine sat thirty chiefs together . . .
Drinking wine sat Musa the Albanian . . .
Drinking wine sat the King's son Marko . . .
The Jugoslav method differs from Homer's in an important respect.
Whereas Homer has a different formula for every place in the line
and is so able to vary a given theme in many ways, the Jugoslavs
have a standard formula and allot the same place in the line to it,
with the result that they are far more monotonous. Similarly,
when they use complete lines or blocks of lines, their introduction
of them is more marked than in Homer because they normally
start with the beginning of one line and end with the end of
another. The Jugoslav art is less advanced than Homer 's, and
for this reason its formulae draw more attention to themselves.
238
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
Another difference between Greek poetry and the poetry not
only of the Slavonic peoples but of others can be seen in the
management of a difficulty caused by the use of noun- adjective
combinations. If a noun has an adjective attached to it, there must
be times sooner or later when this adjective is not so much otiose
as absurd. This happens often enough in Russian poems. The
hero, Dyuk Stepanovich, comes from Galicia, which has the
epithet " accursed " because, like Poland and Lithuania, it belongs
to the Roman Church and is viewed with disapproval by the
Orthodox Russians. Ordinarily this does not matter, but there is
some absurdity when Dyuk, in answer to Vladimir's question who
he is, says :
" I come from accursed Galicia." l
So too Russia, because of its attachment to the Orthodox Church,
is always " Holy Russia ", but it is absurd when the Turkish
Sultan plans an attack on it and says :
" I shall go into Holy Russia." 2
There are similar misfits in Jugoslav poems, as when the standard
epithet for hands, " white ", is applied to Moors, who are them-
selves called " black ".3 Something of the same kind can be seen
in Bulgarian when Marko deals with a Moor :
And he cut his fair-haired head off.*
Since by convention all heads are " fair-haired ", the adjective is
used even for a Moor. So too a dead formula may account for a
difficulty at the end of the Norse Atlamdl :
Then did Atli die, and his heirs* grief doubled.*
Since all Atli's heirs are dead, the last phrase is meaningless and
has been introduced because it is often used for deaths. We might
think that Homer, with his greater number of noun- adjective
combinations, would often fall into this trap. Nor is he entirely
safe from it. It is, for instance, a little disturbing to find that
Eriphyle's husband is called " dear " when she plots his death,6
or that the dirty linen which Nausicaa washes is " shining ",7 as
if it were clean. But such cases are not in fact very common.
Homer usually seems to see when a contradiction is involved and
surmounts it to secure an ironical contrast. When Achilles sulks
in his tent, he is still " fleet-footed ", and the adjective compares
1 Rybnikov, i, p. 100. 2 Gilferding, ii, p. 174.
3 Drerup, p. 461. 4 Dozon, p. 64.
5 Atlamdl, 98, 2. 6 Od. xi, 327. 7 Ibid, vi, 26.
239
HEROIC POETRY
him as he normally is with what he is now.1 When the waters of
the Scamander are fouled with blood, the River-god calls them
beautiful,2 which is of course their usual and proper condition.
When Homer says that the " life-giving " earth covers Helen's
brothers in death,3 he marks the ironical contrast in the nature of
the earth which both feeds and buries us.4 This is a delicate art
which Homer usually manages with skill. Of course it might be
argued that such epithets are so otiose that nobody takes much
notice of them. This is no doubt true in many cases, but none the
less it is a finer art to make a conscious use of such formulae than
to treat them as if they had no function.
When we look at Homer's use of language, a paradox emerges.
On the one hand his use of formulae is more extensive, more
homogeneous and more governed by rules than any other poetry.
On the other hand the range of his effects is greater, and his
purely poetical achievement is far richer and more subtle than any
other heroic poet's. The explanation of this is probably that he
stands in the middle of an important change produced by the intro-
duction of writing. That it came in the eighth century we can
hardly doubt, and it is quite possible that its special character was
determined by a desire to use it to record poetry.5 In this case
we can understand Homer's ambiguous position. Behind him
lie centuries of oral performance, largely improvised, with all its
wealth of formulae adapted to an exacting metre ; these he knows
and uses fully. But if he also knows writing and is able to commit
his poems to it, he is enabled to give a far greater precision and
care to what he says than any improvising poet ever can. Since it
is almost impossible to believe that the Iliad and Odyssey were
ever improvised, and the richness of their poetry suggests some
reliance on writing, we may see in them examples of what happens
when writing comes to help the oral bard. He continues to com-
pose in the same manner as before, but with a far greater care and
effectiveness. He can omit and correct and rearrange and take his
time as the improvising poet cannot, and the result is a great
enrichment of his texture. Indeed the dazzling use which Homer
makes of his traditional formulae is perhaps an indication that he
has passed beyond their purely functional use in composition to
1 //. i, 489. 2 Ibid, xxi, 218. 3 Ibid, iii, 243.
4 There are other places in which a traditional epithet contradicts the
sense of a passage, without perhaps our noticing it, as when the sky is called
" starry ", though it is day, at //. xv, 371, Od. ix, 527, xii, 380, or Ajax calls
Hector " great-hearted " at //. xiv, 440, or Zeus refers to the villainous Aegisthus
as " blameless " at Od. i, 29. For Aristarchus' treatment of this point cf.
Parry, L'Epithete traditionnelle, p. 148 ff.
* I owe this suggestion to H. T. Wade-Gery.
240
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
something that is almost purely poetical. Perhaps he learned his
craft in the old tradition, but in his lifetime the alphabet appeared,
and he had the insight to see what great advantages it brought
in turning the old technique to a nobler and richer purpose.
If Homer represents the transition from improvised, oral
poetry to a poetry which relies to some extent on writing, other
heroic poems show what happens when writing is well established
and commonly used. Gilgamish survives in written texts of four
different languages, and we might expect it to be a purely literary
composition with no signs of oral usage and formulae. Yet it has
its fair share of them. For noun-adjective combinations it offers
" handsome couch ", " generous mantle ", " Erech the high-
walled ", or " the broad-marketed ", " crest like an aurochs ",
" the lady Ishtar ", " the Sun-god in heaven ", " Humbaba whose
roar is a whirlwind ", " the cedar- forest, terror to mortals ",
" Uta-Napishtim the distant", and " Ninsun, the glorious queen".
Its repeated lines are not very common but include :
Gilgamish opened his mouth and spake,
Roaming the desert like a hunter,
He takes his axe in his hand,
He draws his dagger from his belt,
Comrade and henchman who chased
The ass of the mountains, the pard of the desert.
Though the Assyrian poet of Gilgamish certainly owes much to
books, and may well have composed his poem to be read by the
learned few, his style remains largely that of oral composition.
He has, it is true, a greater degree of free composition and fewer
formulaic passages than we find in Homer, but that no doubt is
because he is more accustomed to writing and relies more upon it.
None the less he maintains the manners of oral composition in
some important respects. This may be due in the first place to
his sense that he belongs to a tradition and must write in a tradi-
tional way. But it must also be partly due to the needs of recita-
tion. His poem would normally be recited and would thus need
the devices which are proper to recitation and indeed almost
indispensable to it. ,
The example of Gilgamish suggests that/the existence of writing
need not necessarily interfere very much with the formulaic
character of heroic poetry, though it naturally gives more oppor-
tunity for free composition. Such conditions may perhaps
explain the character of the language of Beowulf and other
241
HEROIC POETRY
Anglo-Saxon poems and the Elder Edda. We may be fairly sure
that the author of Beowulf was able to^ J[?acL> an<i since the frag-
ments of Finnsburh and Waldhere cannot be far from him in date,
it is at least possible that their authors were in the same case.
With the Elder Edda the possibility is hardly less. That some of
the poems are ultimately derived from an illiterate society is
beyond doubt, but in their present form, broken and corrupt
though they are, they must have been written down, or for that
matter remembered, if not actually composed, at a time when
reading and writing were not uncommon. But both the Anglo-
Saxon and the Norse poems retain formulae in the same way as
Gilgamishy and no doubt for the same reason. They preserve a
technique which goes back to the Germanic mainland and is at
least as old as the fourth century A.D. and probably much older,
and such a tradition is not lightly abandoned, even when its
original usefulness for improvisation is no longer urgent. Equally
the Norse and Anglo-Saxon audiences, knowing that these poems
preserved memories of a distant past, might well expect them to
be composed in a traditional manner in which formulae play their
ancient, almost hieratic part. Indeed the respect for formulae
can be seen in the way in which Beowulf uses them for Christian
matte^sjwhichjie^outside ; the old heathen, Germanic_ tradition but
are assimilated to the ancient style. They belong to the art and
are expected from any practitioner of itj
Whatever the relations of Anglo-Saxon heroic poetry may have
been to an earlier Germanic tradition, itlsTcIear that to some extent
it employs formulae. These are obvious in Beowulf and Finnsburh
and survive somewhat diluted in Maldon. They fall, as usual,
into two classes, noun-adjective combinations and repeated
phrases, though the unit in the latter is less usually the whole
line than the half-line. The noun-adjective combinations are
numerous. They include such familiar phrases as " grey sea ",
" hollow ship ", " windy cliffs ", " lofty halls ". The great man
is " lord of men " or " lord of knights " ; the king is " keeper of
troops " ; the hero is " rampart of a nation ". More peculiar and
more characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon temper are the "kennings",
artificial synonyms, which present things by referring only to some
special aspect of them. By this means the sea is " the whale's
road " or " the gannets' bath ", a soldier is a " helmet-bearer ",
the sun " the world's great candle ", to make a speech " to unlock
a word-hoard ", fire " the branches' foe ", and to die " to leave
earth's joys ". These are quite as integral a part of the Anglo-
Saxon style as the more ordinary noun-adjective combinations.
242
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
The minstrel would learn them and find them useful in helping
him to keep up the special tone at which this kind of poetry aimed.
Such phrases have no parallel in Homer or Slavonic poetry, but
they are not alien to Asiatic taste, and they certainly belong to a
tradition of oral improvised poetry. ( Like the noun- adjective
combinations, they help the poet in his task by providing him with
ready-made aids. )
f Longer phrases which help the mechanism of the action are
equally present in Beowulf, and several hundred examples of them
have been noted. Some of these are complete lines like
The gift firm-set which God had sent him (1271, 2182)
And the fighters were fallen, the fierce Shieldings (252, 3005)
Ere he might go to the ground beneath (1496, 2770).
But these are exceptional. The more truly formulaic element in
Beowulf is the half-line like
Hoard -warden of heroes (1047, 1852)
Jewel of athelings (130, 2342)
Picked band of thegns (400, 1627)
Young spear- warrior (2674, 2811)
Good and gallant (602, 2349)
Massacre fierce (2250, 2537)
Hard, hand-linked (322, 551).
(of mail-coats)
Since many of these half-lines are concerned with the details of
fighting, they are likely to come from an old tradition. In Beowulf
they play a part half-way between noun-adjective combinations
and repeated lines. Since they are not in themselves complete,
they provide only part of a sentence ; the rest must be provided
by the poet to suit his needs. But they perform a useful function
in dealing with many ordinary actions. The poet may, if he likes,
eschew them, but he can equally use them and relate them to his
poem by the words with which he completes them into whole lines.
These half-lines are part of a wider method used by Anglo-
Saxon poets for composition. The original method of composi-
tion seems to have been through a verse matrix, which is a half-line
with double alliteration.1 What counts is precisely the existence
of certain phrases which can be altered to suit different needs and
then, without much trouble, completed with a second half-line.
The different ways in which this can be done can be seen from
1 E. D. Laborde, Byrhtnoth and Maldon, p. 54 ; M.L.R. xix, p. 410 ff.
243
HEROIC POETRY
Maldon, where the poet knows the old artifices and uses them
quietly and efficiently. These matrices usually consist of three
words. This provides a unit which the bard can alter to suit his
needs, while keeping the essential element of alliteration. Such a
matrix may be seen in Maldon in
gar to gu>e (13)
(spear to fight).
This can be transformed either at the end into
gar and god swurd (237)
(spear and good sword)
or at the beginning into
guman t5 gu]^e (94)
(warriors to fight).
This device enables proper names to be introduced without too
much difficulty, as in
Godric fram gttye (187)
(Godric from fight)
or
Godric to guj?e (321)
(Godric to fight).
On this basis the poet works. Vjt seems to be an inheritance from
the old Germanic poetry, and may be detected not only in Beowulf
but in the Elder Edda. Of course it is different from the static
formulae of many poetries, but it rises from like causes. The
bard who has this instrument at his command is able to improvise,
at least on familiar subjects, without much difficulty. The peculiar
nature of the device is due to the alliterative character of Germanic
poetry, which naturally has to be treated differently from a poetry
based on quantity, like Greek, or on the number of syllables and
accents, like Jugoslav. )
V<A comparison of Beowulf or Maldon with modern improvised
poems or with Homer shows some points of difference in tech-
nique.^Jn the first place, Beowulf is unusual in using a great many
synonyms. There are, for instance, some thirty for " hall " or
" house ", twenty-six for " king ", nine for " ship ", seventeen
for " sword ", twenty-three for " retainers ".J Of course Homer
also uses synonyms, but not on this scale. (jSTor is Beowulf com-
pelled by necessities of metre to use such a variety. Many of these
synonyms begin with the same letter and, so far as the metre is
concerned, one beginning with each different letter would be
enough. Like the " kennings ", they are a feature of the elevated
244
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
style, invented not so much to help the poet in the task of improvisa-
tion as to enable him to maintain the required tone. Of course
some of them would help in improvisation, and no doubt all would
be more or less useful. But that is not their first purpose. The
Anglo-Saxon art of heroic poetry aims more consciously at a
special TuncToF effect than the Russian or the Jugoslav, no doubt
because it is a court-poetry, whereas they, at least in their modern
form, belong^ to "peasants and humble people who do not ask for
too much complication.^
\Jhi the second place, Beowulf treats certain standard themes
neither with the free, if monotonous, treatment of the Russian
byliny nor with Homer's strict adherence to formulae. This may
be examined for such common themes as the feast and going to
bed. There are three feasts in Beowulf, the first after Beowulf's
arrival at Hrothgar's court,1 the second after the rout of Grendel,2
and the third after the slaying of the Dam.3 Each is treated quite
differently with no trace of stock phrases. So too with going to bed.
After each of these feasts the poet tells how Hrothgar goes to bed,4
and in each case treats it differently. This is not in the least like
Homer's standard and formulaic handling of such occasions.
Since the actions described are purely mechanical, we might
expect them to be treated mechanically, but they are not. The
poet will expend eight lines on a topic which hardly affects the
narrative, and give to it his personal attention, selecting on each
occasion some different element in the very familiar action.] This
method differs both from Homer and from most mocfern oral
poetry, in both of which such matters are dismissed summarily
as necessary to the reality of the story but no more. ^The Anglo-
Saxon style has its formulae, but it does not use them as Homer
does. And this is probably due to the different metre. The unit
is tKe half-line, and most formulae are formed as half-lines ;
since there is no great difficulty in completing one half-line with
another in alliteration, the Anglo-Saxon poets seem to have felt
that they could dispense with longer^ formulaic phrases and use
even single formulaic lines sparingly. [
In general, despite these differences of technique, which are
due to differences of metre and ultimately of language, the Anglo-
Saxon poets resemble the Russians and the Jugoslavs and even the
Asiatic peoples in combining formulae with free composition.
The differences are not of kind but of degree, and this is probably
due to the appearance of writing in England before Beozvulf was
1 Beowulf, 491-8. 2 Ibid. 1010-17.
3 Ibid. 1785-9. 4 Ibid. 662-6, 1235-8, 1789-92.
245
HEROIC POETRY
composed. Like the Homeric poems and Gilgamish, its texture
suggests that the poet did not improvise but was able to work
slowly and carefully, and this implies some help from writing. In
this there is no difficulty. Writing was common enough in Eng-
land about 700 when the poem seems to have been written. The
poet, with his theological interests, may well have been in contact
with clerical circles to whom Fooks were familiar. The poem
must have been written down long before it was copied in its
present manuscript about 1000, and there is no reason to think that
it was not written down at the time of composition. No doubt the
old Germanic poetry about Arminius or even the first poems on
Attila were improvised, and to them and their kind the poet of
Beowulf owes the main elements of his style. But he has brought
it up to date and used many opportunities to escape from a purely
formulaic language. We can hardly doubt that he composed for
recitation, and for this reason he keeps many elements of the old
oral style. That such was expected of him is clear from his
Christian jind theological passages, which cannot owe anything to
the old Germanic poetry, but have none the less been assimilated
to its manner.^J
The Elder Edda shows similar, if fewer, traces of an improvising
past. For noun-adjective combinations we can quote, " lofty "
buildings, " high-legged " stags, horses " trained to coursing ",
and kings " lords of land ". In the Lay of Volund there are re-
peated lines like
Maids of the south, spinners of flax,
Volund home from his hunting came,1
In the Lays of Guthrun I and II a formulaic phrase is used for
Sigurth :
As the spear-leek grows above the grass.
In Guthrunarhvdt there is an even more primitive kind of formula :
Then Hamther spake, the high of heart.
We cannot doubt that the Norse poems of the Elder Edda are
derived from a tradition which once used formulae. Their
diminution may have been dictated by a desire to make the poems
as concentrated and concise as possible, to remove any extraneous
or unnecessary detail. Just as the poets omit much of the machinery
of narrative, so too they are sparing in their use of formulae. Since
every word is expected to do its full work, the standing epithets and
fixed phrases have often been omitted or replaced by others which
1 This is perhaps a special case ; cf. inf. p. 261.
246
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
go more directly to the point. So the usual apparatus of intro-
ducing speeches is largely abandoned, and the characters often
begin without the poet saying who speaks. Such changes were
easy, partly because the poems are usually short and would not be
difficult for a poet to compose in his head and remember for recita-
tion, partly because the subjects are so familiar that any poet would
know that he need not make himself perfectly clear on every point.
X^The linguistic technique of the Anglo-Saxon and Norse poems
is a natural result of oral composition. They have sufficient traces
of formulae to betray both their origins and their own practice.
The same can hardly be said of the Cid and Roland, which stand
outside the main scheme and raise special problems. Both were,
so far as we can see, composed in writing. It is certain that their
authors could read, and, though the poems would no doubt be
recited, there is here no question of purely oral composition. The
origins of the two poems are probably different. If Roland is
something of a sport, the Cid certainly shares many characteristics
with other heroic poetry. Even if these are partly due to a literary
origin, some may be traced back to a past when oral composition
was the rule.
The Cid reveals traces both of noun-adjective combinations
and of repeated lines, though neither conforms very closely to
other models. Some of the characters, it is true, have their
epithets, like " Martin Antolinez, the loyal citizen ", " God,
spiritual father of us all ", " Galindo Garcia, the valiant lance ",
" Minaya, the illustrious knight ", but these epithets are by no
means constant, and they usually perform some slight function in
their context instead of being merely decorative or otiose as are
most epithets in improvised heroic poetry. Thus Martin Antolinez
is called " loyal citizen " because his prowess is needed at that
moment. Though the persons of the Cid are clear enough in their
simple outlines, that is not because they are distinguished by
characterising epithets but because they show themselves in speech
and action. To this general paucity of noun-adjective combina-
tions there is one great exception — the Cid himself. He is
called variously " the Cid Ruy Diaz ", " the Campeador ", " the
good Cid Campeador ", " the fortunate Cid ", " Cid of the
beautiful beard ", " the Cid of Vivar ", " illustrious Campeador ".
This variety is all the more remarkable because of the comparative
absence of titles for other characters. It is surely possible that in
treating his hero like this the poet follows a tradition which he
otherwise neglects. The Cid is honoured in this way because he
is a fit companion for the heroes of old and worthy to be men-
247 R
HEROIC POETRY
tioned in an archaic manner. Such titles are of course perfectly
to the point, but they suggest that the poet has either invented
them or adapted them from an older tradition in order to give a
heroic status to his chief character.
More striking than these titles is the way in which the poet
of the Cid devotes certain recurring lines to his hero. He com-
monly says of him that he " girt on his sword in a good hour ".
The formula is not quite constant but shows minor variations, like
Ya Canpeador, en buena sinxiestes espada,
(O Campeador, in a good hour thou didst gird on thy sword)
Mio £id Roy Diaz, el que en buena cinxo espada,
(My Cid, Ruy Diaz, who in a good hour girt on his sword)
Fablo mio Qid, el que en buen ora 9inxo espada,
(So spoke the Cid, who in a good hour girt on his sword)
Merced, Canpeador, en buen ora cinxiestes espada,
(Thank you, Campeador, in a good hour thou didst gird on thy sword.)
This is plainly formulaic. The notion that the Cid " girt on his
sword in a good hour " has little direct connection with the
contexts in which it occurs. It is decorative, but not especially so,
and it has all the marks of being derived from a formulaic style.
It almost takes the place of a noun-adjective combination and does
very much the same kind of task. Instead of qualifying the Cid
with an adjective, the poet makes a laudatory statement about him.
Nor is this the only case of such a formula. The poet is hardly less
fond of another, which also takes slightly different forms :
Ya Canpeador, en buen ora fostes na^ido,
(O Campeador, thou wast born in a good hour)
Dixo el Qid, el que en buen ora nasco,
(Then spoke the Cid who was born in a good hour)
Fabl6 mio £id, Roy Diaz, el que en buen ora fue nado.
(Then spake the Cid, Ruy Diaz, who was born in a good hour.)
These formulaic expressions suggest two considerations. First,
the variation which exists inside each recalls the Russian habit of
varying a formula, as opposed to the strict Homeric adherence to
it ; and this is largely due to considerations of metre. The
Spanish line, which greatly varies the number of its syllables and
has no very marked rhythm, resembles the Russian and not the
Greek line in this respect. The Spanish formula is not forced into
an absolutely fixed shape, and in fact has not got one. Yet it is
plainly a formula, and no doubt its origins are to be found in the
needs of improvisation — there is no need to think that it was first
248
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
used of the Cid — but it has not the finality of formulae fashioned
for strict metres like those of the Greeks or even the Jugoslavs.
Secondly, we can see why the poet sometimes uses one of these
kinds of formulae and sometimes the other. His lines are bound
together by assonance in the final syllable. They are not formed
in regular strophes, and the number of lines in a section varies
greatly. But in each section the final assonance must be pre-
served. Now the formula of girding on the sword belongs to lines
whose assonance is a, while that of being born in a good hour
belongs to lines whose assonance is o. By such aids to metre
composition is made easier for the poet.
The Cid stands apart in its use of formulae. On the one hand
it uses them, even if sparingly and in a special way ; on the other
hand its movement is generally so akin to that of prose narrative
that the main impression made is not at all formulaic. This would
seem to indicate that originally there was an oral poetry in Spain
which used formulae to some extent, but that the poet of the Cid
wrote his poem when this old style had been largely superseded.
So far his manner might suggest that he uses formulae out of
respect for the past. But it may be possible, though it cannot be
proved, that oral poetry in Spain never developed formulae on
any great scale. To judge by the extant remains of Spanish heroic
poetry, not merely in the Cid but in fragments of other poems
restored from the chronicles, this style was always factual and even
prosaic. The elastic nature of the heroic line, with its lack of
fixed accent and its ability to vary greatly its number of syllables,
suggests that oral composition can never have presented such
difficulties as it does for the Greek hexameter or even the old
Germanic metres. In that case the bard may not have needed
formulae so much as in these other cases, and that would explain
why there are so few of them. Of course the Cid was composed in
an age when writing was quite common and the poet was probably
an educated man. So it is conceivable that the comparative
absence of formulae in his work is due to his reliance on writing.
None the less his poem was intended for recitation, as he himself
says more than once, and we would expect him to show more traces
of formulae than he does, simply because they are useful in recita-
tion. Though there can be no certainty in the matter, on the whole
it looks as if in Spain heroic poetry never used formulae so freely
as elsewhere, and that the Cid has almost passed beyond them.
Roland also presents a peculiar case. As we shall see later, it
looks as if French heroic poetry came into existence about the
year 1000, and was influenced not by indigenous French lays but
249
HEROIC POETRY
by Latin poems of the type of Waltharius. Since these poems are
sometimes based on German vernacular originals, of the type of
Waldhere, they contain echoes of formulae even in their pseudo-
Virgilian dress. Roland, which might be expected to have no
formulae at all, has in fact a fair share of them. It is true that so
far as proper names are concerned, noun-adjective combinations
hardly exist. The nearest is " sweet France ", but otherwise both
places and people go for the most part unadorned. With ordinary
things the case is different. Roland has its simple combinations
like " green olive-branches ", " green grass ", " spurs of gold ",
" Alexandrian silk ", " golden hilt ", " good sword ", " good
spear ", " good hauberk ". In their unpretentious air these
combinations look traditional and conventional, and though it is
hard to believe that they are derived from Latin learning, it is
possible that they come from an old vernacular usage through
Latin adaptations. At the same time it should be noticed that the
poet often advances beyond them to a greater elaboration, as when
he dwells with admiring care on the points of a piece of armour
instead of dismissing it briefly with a single adjective. So he
speaks of
Gird on their swords of tried steel Viennese,
Fine shields they have, and spears Valentinese. (997-8)
Their helmets gleam, with gold are jewelled,
Also their shields, their hauberks orfreyed. (1031-2)
His horse he pricks with his fine spurs of gold. (1738)
Of course in such matters the poet speaks of what he knows and
his audience expects to hear. He therefore adds a touch of pro-
fessional knowledge and gives an individual quality to his details.
Though most of Roland is occupied with fighting and treats
of it with knowledge and precision, the poet on the whole avoids
repeating himself verbally on such matters as wounds and deaths.
Here he differs from Homer. Homer tends to have a set formula
for each kind of wound, but Roland describes fewer kinds without
any set form. For instance, in the first great fight seven successive
sections speak of different single combats, and in each the substance
is much the same. A blow breaks the opponent's shield and
pierces his hauberk, so that he is killed. But this is expressed in a
number of ways :
So his good shield is nothing worth at all,
Shatters the boss, was fashioned of crystal,
One half of it downward to earth flies off ;
Right to the flesh has through his hauberk torn. (1262-5)
250
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
The shield he breaks, the hauberk unmetals,
And his good spear drives into his vitals. (1270-71)
The shield he breaks, with golden flowers tooled,
That good hauberk for him is nothing proof. (1276-7)
The shield he breaks, its golden boss above,
The hauberk too, its doubled mail undoes. (1283-4)
The shield he breaks and shatters on his neck,
The hauberk too, he has its chinguard rent. (1292-3)
Upon the shield, before its leathern band,
Slices it through, the white with the scarlat,
The hauberk too, has torn its folds apart. (1298-1300)
The shield he breaks, the hauberk tears and splits. (1305)
To modern taste these variations on a single theme may not be very
interesting, but to their original audience they had no doubt the
appeal which details of battle have for soldiers. The poet's sense
of battle may not be very varied, but it is at least vigorous and
intense.
This series of passages illustrates an important element in the
technique of Roland. In five out of the seven the poet describes
the breaking of the shield in the same words, " 1'escut li fraint ".
This is for all practical purposes a formula, which is used as a
basis for variation, fin some ways it resembles the formulaic
half-lines which are common in Beowulf A In Roland the short
phrases usually come at the beginning 'of a line and are then
completed with varying sequences to suit the required assonance.
For instance, the setting of the fight at Roncesvalles is conveyed
by the formula " halt sunt li pui " — " high are the peaks " —
but each time that it occurs it is completed differently. It comes
first when Charlemagne's main army goes through the pass :
Halt sunt li pui e li val tenebrus. (814)
(High are the peaks, the valleys shadowful.)
When Roland at last decides to blow his horn, the formula conveys
through what country the blast rings :
Halt sunt li pui e la voiz est mult lunge. (1755)
(High are the peaks, afar it rings and loud.)
It makes a third appearance when Charlemagne's forces begin to
come back to Roncesvalles :
Halt sunt li pui e tenebrus e grant. (1830)
(High are the peaks and shadowful and grand.)
251
HEROIC POETRY
And its last appearance is when Roland swoons before death :
Halt sunt li pui e mult halt sunt li arbres. (2271)
(High are the peaks, the trees are very high.)
On each occasion the formula serves a somewhat different purpose
by having a different conclusion. But the reappearances serve to
emphasise the setting of the battle and to remind us of the condi-
tions in which it is fought. The poet uses it consciously with a
fine sense of its worth, but it is none the less a formula.1
Roland poses a special question about the use of formulae. It
is no longer possible to believe that its technique is derived from a
long tradition of indigenous lays, and even if it owes something to
earlier poems written from 1000 onwards, its background and
antecedents are quite different from those of traditional oral
poems. We might indeed expect Roland to have few or no
formulae, and yet it has a certain number of them, which resemble
to some extent the half-lines of Anglo-Saxon poetry. This cannot
be an accident, and, if we exclude the possibility of any real debt to
a traditional art, the most natural explanation is that French
heroic poetry, which was undoubtedly recited and may even have
been to some degree improvised, was forced by the conditions of
its performance to create a style in which formulae came to play a
part because of the minstrels' and the audience's needs. They were
just as necessary to him as to any bard who has to perform in
public and to keep the attention of his hearers without too great a
strain on them. When Taillefer performed at Hastings, we need
not necessarily assume that he knew his poem by heart ; it is at
least equally likely that he knew the outlines of the story and the
means to make a poem of it, but the actual presentation may have
been his own, and for it he would need some of the aids which oral
recitation seems to find indispensable.
(^Jn general, we may say that the language of heroic poetry falls
into two classes. In one it is derived directly from the needs of
improvisation and helps the poet in this arduous task. This is the
earlier form and accounts for the existence of formulae on a large
scale in most heroic poems. If a bard is not very original, he may,
like some Russian bards, confine himself almost entirely to for-
mulae, and the result may give satisfaction but not be very interest-
ing. But if he has some genuine talent, there is no need for him
so to confine himself. He may well invent new formulae of his
own and compose passages which are not formulaic. Such a
1 Like Beowulf) Roland rarely repeats complete lines. The only examples
are 576 and 3755 ; 2943 and 4001 ; 2646 and 3345 ; 1412 and 3381 ; 828
and 3613.
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION: LANGUAGE
technique helps not only the poet but the audience, which finds
the formulae restful and familiar and proper to this kind of art.
At its best this kind of art can produce poetry as rich and varied
as that of the Kara- Kirghiz ; at its worst it tends to be conven-
tional and jejune, like some Russian poems. A great change comes
with the introduction of writing which allows a poet to compose
with far greater care and with much more time at his disposal.
Though this allows him to indulge in free composition, if he wishes,
he none the less tends to use formulae to some degree, just because
they are still useful and traditional. After all, every poet has to
use the means at his disposal, and, when no other kind of narrative
poetry is known to him, he will naturally compose as his pre-
decessors have done before him. vThe result is that the difference
between oral, improvised poetry and semi-literate poetry is not
one of kind but of degree. Both use language in much the same
way, even if for different reasons^ and though we may rightly
differentiate the art of the Tatars from that of Roland or the
Elder Edda, the two are not fundamentally dissimilar, (in the end
it remains true that heroic poetry remains faithful to its peculiar
use of language because it has to be recited. )
253
VII
THE TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITION:
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
JUST as the oral poet learns formulaic phrases which help him in
the art of composition, so he also learns certain devices which
enable him to surmount the many difficulties inherent in telling
a story. Through them he knows how to start and how to finish,
how to cause suspense and to maintain interest, how to avoid
monotony and to vary the tone and texture of his work. Of course
some of these devices are expressed in formulae, but even then the
placing of them requires a sound judgment and a good sense of
the audience's needs, and the poet shows his skill as much in his
omission of them when they are not really needed as in his adroit
use of them when they are. Moreover, just as the formulae exist
because they are useful, but develop their own poetical charm, so
the devices of narrative, which are in the first place indispensable
to telling a story, also develop their own individuality and appeal.)
The audience knows that they exist, expects them to be used;
greets them as old acquaintances, and applauds the poet who
uses them expertly. It likes to see a familiar device turned to a
new purpose or developed in a new direction. In considering such
devices we have of course to ask what their fundamental use is and
also what poetical success the poet gains through them, how he
advances beyond their mere utility to make them attractive.
We may first look at repetitions. \Jn many heroic poems a
passage is repeated, almost word for word, very soon after its first
appearance.! Obviously this is no accident. A simple example
may help to illustrate the problem. In the Bulgarian poem The
Visit a husband says at the start to his wife :
" Knead a white unleavened pudding,
Pour some wine out, yellow-coloured,
In this yellow wooden bottle ;
Then, my wife, come, let us travel
On a visit to your mother,
To your mother and your father ;
For nine years have come upon us
Since I brought you from them hither ;
We have visited them never. " l
1 Dozon, p. 55 ff.
254
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
The wife at first refuses ; then the husband repeats his orders in
exactly the same words, with the result that we see how insistent
he is and what importance he attaches to his project. The wife
does what she is told, and the poet tells how she
Kneads a white, unleavened pudding,
Pours some wine out, yellow-coloured,
In a yellow wooden bottle.
A little later in the poem, when they enter a forest, the husband
says :
" Sing, my dear, a ringing ditty,
With your own voice sing a ditty,
Sounding like two voices singing,
So your mother well may hear it,
Father and your mother hear it,
Know that we come on a visit,
And let them come out to meet us."
Again the wife hesitates, and again the husband repeats his orders
in exactly the same words, and again the wife carries them out :
So she sang a ringing ditty,
With her own voice sang a ditty,
Sounding like two voices singing.
This may be unsophisticated, but it is clearly conscious and
deliberate. The whole poem has 182 lines, and of these a large
proportion consists of repetitions. There must be some explana-
tion of it.
If we put modern poetry out of our heads and assume, as best
we can, the simple mentality of an audience listening to this poem,
we begin to understand why the poet uses this device. In the
first place the repeated orders which the husband gives and the
poet's repetition of them after him show that the details are
important and intended to be noticed. They may seem trivial to
us, but in the story they have their relevance and impress what
happens on the memory. Secondly, the details do not lose in
interest by being repeated. In fact, they gain. They somehow
assume a special significance, suited to the simple mind, which
likes precise facts and feels at home with them. It is clear that the
husband has a purpose and means to carry it out. It may be trivial
but has none the less its own interest, which the repetitions make,
more vivid and suggestive. Thirdly, the device gives a firmer
personality both to the husband and to the wife, to him because
he is so insistent and to her because at first she hesitates and then
obeys. This is a way in which husbands and wives are expected
255
HEROIC POETRY
to behave, and the emphasis does justice to it. Fourthly, the
device is a preliminary to what happens later. The husband and
his wife are set upon by brigands who hear her song, and, though
the husband kills the rest of them, he fails to kill the chieftain, who
demands his wife from him, and thence exciting results follow.
Both the song and the idea of the visit which precedes it are woven
into the story and important to it. The poet stresses the way in
which the action starts, that the conclusion may be seen in its
proper perspective.
The art of this little piece has many parallels in heroic poetry,
and in each case the motives for using it are similar to those men-
tioned above. A common form is for the poet first to retail some-
thing that happens and then to make a character repeat it in the
same or almost the same words. In the Russian poem which tells
of Ilya's quarrel with Vladimir, the device is used with admirable
simplicity. Because Ilya is not asked to Vladimir's feast, he creates
havoc in Kiev :
He began to wander through the city of Kiev,
And to stroll about the holy mother churches ;
And he broke all the crosses on the churches,
He shot off all the gilded balls.
This is duly reported by a messenger to Vladimir with only such
changes of language as are required by a change from the past to the
present tense :
" He wanders through the city of Kiev,
And strolls about the holy mother churches ;
And he has broken all the crosses on the churches,
He has shot off all the gilded balls. " '
This repetition leaves no doubt about what Ilya does in his
offended pride. Its details, being curious and amusing, gain by
repetition ; it illustrates the heroic character of Ilya who is not
likely to submit to insults from Vladimir, and it is important to the
story, since Vladimir is so frightened by Ilya's behaviour that he
decides to appease him by asking him to the feast after all.
Very similar is the kind of repetition in which first an order is
given and later the same words are used as closely as possible to
show that it is carried out. So in the Jugoslav Marriage of Djuro
of Smerderevo Marko, on arriving at Dubrovnik, gives orders to
his companions :
" Give your horses up, but not your weapons,
And sit down in armour at the tables,
Drink of the dark wine above your weapons."
1 Gilferding, ii, p. 38 ff. ; Chadwick, R.H.P. p. 62.
25(6
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
His orders are carried out :
They gave up their horses, not their weapons,
And sat down in armour at the tables,
Drank of the dark wine above their weapons.1
Marko wishes to impress his host with the power and strength of
his warriors, and his action has its bearing on the story later when
he rescues his host's lady from a dungeon. The theme is worked in
neatly, since the host asks why the men behave like this, and Marko
answers with confident assurance that it is a Serbian custom ;
but the poet's real purpose in the repetition is to stress a point
which might otherwise escape notice. Not all poets are so
economical of the device as this. Many delight in it for its own
sake as an almost ritualistic procedure which imparts an additional
dignity to a point by repeating it. So when the Canaanite poet of
Aqhat tells how Daniel decides to make a tour of neighbouring
lands, he first makes him call to his daughter :
" Hearken, O Paghat,
Thou that carriest water on thy shoulders,
That brushest the dew from the barley,
That knowest the courses of the stars ;
Saddle an ass, hitch a foal ;
Set upon it my silver reins,
My golden bridles." 2
The poet goes on immediately to tell how Paghat carries out the
orders, and uses almost the same words :
Paghat obeys,
Even she who carries the water on her shoulders,
Who brushes the dew from the barley,
Who knows the courses of the stars ;
Straightway she saddles an ass,
Straightway she hitches a foal,
Straightway she lifts up her father,
Seats him on the back of the ass,
On the gaily-trapped back of the foal.
The repetition serves to make perfectly clear what the orders
imply, that Paghat is to saddle an ass for her father to ride upon.
The whole little action gains in ceremony by this decorous carrying
out of orders, but we may suspect that the poet has another motive
than this. Daniel speaks to his daughter as to one whose whole life
is engaged in household tasks from dawn till dark — that is why
she knows the courses of the stars — and this has some importance
for the story, since later Paghat is to prove that she is much more
1 Karadzic, ii, p. 437 ff. 2 Caster, p. 297 ; Gordon, p. 95.
257
HEROIC POETRY
than this, when she goes out to find Yatpan, who has killed her
brother, and kills him in return for it.
Most repetitions are of only a few lines, but sometimes they
are much longer. For instance, in the Canaanite Keret the god
El appears to Keret in a dream and gives him precise instructions
about organising an expedition against Edom (Udm) and marrying
the king's daughter. This takes about a hundred lines, and is
followed immediately by an account of the same length, in as far
as possible the same words, in which Keret carries out the instruc-
tions.1 At one or two points, as in the behaviour of the king of
Edom, the passage is slightly expanded, but apart from this it is a
remarkable case of repetition, which, even if the whole poem were
of a considerable length, would be very noticeable. Of course it
serves to show how Keret carries out a god's commands and is so far
what a king ought to be. It also illustrates his character in his
high-handed treatment of the king of Edom and his insistence on
marrying his daughter. But it is difficult not to suspect that the
poet has some other motive. Perhaps, like the poet of Aqhat, he
has a ritualistic feeling for what happens and likes to make it more
impressive and stately by repetition. This is the more justified
since his theme concerns the relations of gods with men, and may
appropriately be treated in the style which the Semitic poets use
for religious subjects. Indeed repetition in more than one form
seems to be a marked characteristic of the Canaanite epics, and in
it we may see the influence of theological poetry in which, like
other Semites, the Canaanites delighted. Just as in a hymn points
are stressed by frequent repetition, so in a story concerning the
gods it is again used to impart a religious dignity.
Sometimes the same passage is repeated several times, but for
this there is usually a special reason. The poet has something out
of the way to say and feels that it must be repeated if it is to make
its full impression. A simple example comes from the Ossete
The Last Expedition of Uryzmag. The hero, Uryzmag, is taken
prisoner and shut up in a tower by a giant. He offers ransom in
mysterious terms, which the giant foolishly accepts without know-
ing what they mean :
" We offer ten thousand cattle, each with one horn,
And ten thousand cattle, each with two horns,
And ten thousand cattle, each with three horns,
And ten thousand cattle, each with four horns,
And ten thousand cattle, each with five horns." 2
1 Gordon, p. 68 ff.
2 Dynnik, p. 21 ff. ; cf. Dum£zil, pp. 45-6.
258
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
This formula occurs three times more, first when Uryzmag tells
it to the messenger who is to carry the news of the offer to the
Narts, then by the messenger to the Narts, then by the Narts them-
selves, when, puzzled by the words, they take them to their wise
woman, Satana, for elucidation. The message is cryptic and
oracular and central to the plot, since through it Uryzmag conveys
instructions which are unintelligible to his captor and which only
Satana will understand. As she expounds it, it means :
" An ox with one horn, that is a warrior with an axe,
An ox with two horns, that is a warrior on horse-back,
An ox with three horns, that is a horseman with a spear,
An ox with four horns, that is a spearman in a breast-plate,
An ox with five horns, that is a warrior in full armour."
The passage occurs four times because it is alluring in itself, shows
Uryzmag's craft and Satana 's wisdom, and is essential to the story,
since through this message Uryzmag outwits his captor and is in
due course delivered by an army of Narts.
A special type of repetition is that in which an action is itself
repeated. The poet may do this to stress the emotional character
of a situation, or to provide a contrast with something that is to
come later. A striking example of the first may be seen in the
First Lay of Guthrun. The scene is set after Sigurth's death, when
Guthrun is so broken with grief that she sits by his body without
speaking or even weeping. Wives of other warriors come and try
to comfort her by telling of their own sorrows. First, Gjaflaug tells
how she has lost five husbands and eight brothers. But Guthrun
says nothing :
Grieving could not Guthrun weep,
Such grief she had for her husband dead,
And so grim her heart by the hero's body.1
Then Herborg, at greater length than Gjaflaug, tells another tragic
tale, but again Guthrun remains silent, and again the poet uses the
same three lines. The repetition is extraordinarily effective. It
shows that Guthrun has not noticed what is happening but remains
frozen in her grief. This type of repetition may be slightly varied
to produce a somewhat different effect. So in an Armenian poem,
when Sasoun is in danger, Mher the Younger goes to call on the
spirits of his parents. He first summons his mother, and from
under the earth a voice answers :
" My son, how can I help you ?
My son, how can I help you ?
1 Guthrunarkvitha^ i, 5.
259
HEROIC POETRY
There is no blood in my face,
The light of my eyes has long gone out.
Scorpions and snakes
Have plaited their nests above me.
You have had enough of wandering, my son,
Enough of wandering . . .
Your place is at the Bird Rock,
Go up to the Bird Rock." l
Mher then calls on his father's spirit and receives almost an
identical answer but with the important addition that he is to dwell
alive in a cave until the end of the world. Mher's strange destiny
is not revealed until he has repeated his question, and the repeated
answer gives a special force to the final message when it comes.
A special form of this kind of repetition is when the poet deals
with a ritual which demands that an action should be performed
several times in succession. The Canaanite Aqhat, which is
considerably interested in Semitic rites, does this at least twice.
When Daniel decides to ask the gods for a son, he performs the
rite of incubation and stays as a suppliant in a sanctuary in order
to obtain an oracle by a dream or some other means. After telling
how Daniel goes to the sanctuary, the poet describes his actions for
seven days, on each of which he does the same thing :
Behold one day and a second,
Clothed in the loincloth,
Clothed in the loincloth, Daniel gives food to the gods,
Clothed in the loincloth, he gives drink to the holy ones.2
This is repeated once for the third and fourth days, and once again
for the fifth, sixth, and seventh days. On the seventh day Daniel's
prayers are answered. Here the repetition of the action, and the
even more emphatic repetition of its elements, stress its ritual
nature. So later in the poem, when the son is born, Daniel cele-
brates it with a feast and invites " daughters of melody " to his
house. Just as modern Arabs celebrate the birth of a child with
seven days of entertainment by female singers and musicians, so
Daniel does the same, and the poet emphasises the formality of the
occasion by a series of repetitions, of which the first sets the
pattern :
Behold, for one day and a second
He gave the singing women to eat,
And the daughters of melody, the Swallows, to drink.
This happens again, in very much the same words, for the third
and fourth days, and again for the fifth and sixth :
1 David Sasunskiiy p. 324 ff. * Caster, p. 270.
260
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
Then on the seventh day,
The singing women depart from his house,
The daughters of melody, the Swallows.1
The unpretentious device conveys the solemn, formal character
of the feast.
A poet may also use repetition to show the difference between
a first and a second occasion or to provide a kind of rehearsal for
an action performed fully later. Two events are thus brought
together, and the second becomes more significant through its
association with the first, especially if the full implications of what
happens are not revealed till the second occasion. This is done
with skilful effect in the Norse Lay of Volund. When Volund
plots vengeance on Nithuth, he decides to kill Nithuth's sons.
One day the two boys come to his house, and he shows them a
chest filled with gold :
They came to the chest, and they craved the keys,
The evil was open when in they looked ;
To the boys it seemed that gems they saw,
Gold in plenty and precious stones.2
This looks harmless enough, but the words " the evil was open "
are a dark and ambiguous hint of something to come. The chest
is called " the evil " not on the principle that all gold is evil but
because it is to be the cause of the boys* deaths. As we read the
words, we do not sec any great significance in them, but their full
purport is revealed later. The boys go away after being invited to
come back the next day. They come back, go to the chest, and are
killed. The poet picks up the theme by repeating two lines and
then shows what he has had in mind all the time :
They came to the chest, and they craved the keys,
The evil was open when in they looked ;
He smote off their heads, and their feet he hid
Under the sooty straps of the bellows.3
The repetition here is used with subtle art. The first time is a
kind of rehearsal for the second, when the words " the evil "
reveal their full significance in the light of Volund 's merciless trick.
Emphasis is the special task of repetitions, but it is not always
needed, and the poet is not compelled to repeat passages even when
we expect him to do so. He may wish to create some other effect,
notably surprise, by keeping something in reserve so that, after
telling how a command is given, he then, somewhat differently,
tells how it is carried out. So when the Russian poet relates how
1 Idem, p. 277. 2 Volundarkvitha, 21. 3 Ibid. 24.
261
HEROIC POETRY
Nightingale Budimirovich visits Prince Vladimir, he stresses the
visitor's wealth and state, especially in the orders which he gives
before disembarking from his ship :
" Lower a silver gangway,
Lower a second one covered with gold,
Lower a third of whale-bone.
Take pleasant gifts,
Marten-skins and fox-furs from foreign lands/'
The main impression is made, and there is no need to repeat all the
details in the same words. But, since our curiosity has been
aroused by the unusual orders about the gangways, the poet must
explain what they mean and does so by varying the form of words :
They took the gifts in their white hands ;
His mother took figured damask,
And he himself his lyre of maple-wood,
And he crossed the gilded gangway,
His mother crossed the silver one,
And all his company the gangway of whale-bone.1
Here it is a question not of emphasising something important to
the plot but of drawing attention to the special character of
Nightingale's visit. Our curiosity is first aroused and then
satisfied.
Since repetitions are an accepted part of a poet's art, it is
natural that he should play with them and vary their use. One
variation is to turn them to an unexpected result. An order is given
but not carried out, or an intention stated but not fulfilled. Then
the poet repeats his formula fully but with negatives throughout to
show the failure of some plan or idea. A simple example of this
comes from the Jugoslav Marko's Ploughing, a short poem whose
appeal turns almost wholly on such a point. Marko's mother is
tired of her son's endless fights with the Turks and tells him to take
to a different kind of life :
" Take thou up the plough and take thou oxen,
Plough with them the hill and plough the valley,
Then, my son, sow thou thereon the wheat-seed."
Marko half obeys his mother, but not entirely :
He took up the plough, and he took oxen,
But he ploughed not either hill or valley,
But he ploughed with them the Sultan's highway.2
1 Gilferding, i, p. 15? ;vtChadwick, R.H.P. p. 118.
2 Karadzid, ii, p. 403.
262
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
The result is that he is soon engaged in fight again with the Turks,
kills them, and comes back with their gold to his mother :
" See ", said he, " what I have done with ploughing."
The formula is more or less preserved, but the effect is unexpected,
and the repetition is skilfully used to stress the strange result.
Somewhat similar is the art of the Bulgarian The Beginnings of
the Turkish Empire. The villagers tell their leader that they have
forgotten God and must build churches. He takes up their words
and makes an ingenious use of them by what is in effect a double
repetition. He says that it is useless to build churches, but that
none the less they must build them :
" 'Tis not fitting to build churches,
All of gold and all of silver ;
For our empire will be finished,
And the Turkish empire starting.
They will break to bits the churches,
Of the silver fashion saddles,
Melt the gold down into bridles ;
Let us none the less build churches,
Made of white stone and of marble,
With white chalk and yellow plaster."
To his words the townsfolk listened,
And began to build the churches
Made of white stone and of marble,
With white chalk and yellow plaster.1
The movement is more complicated than in Marko's Ploughing,
but the variation on the repeated phrases, first negative, and then
positive, applies a familiar technique with neatness and ingenuity.
An impressive example of negative repetition comes from
Gilgamish. Gilgamish wishes to summon the ghost of his dead
comrade, Enkidu, and sets about the task with some cunning. He
asks what he must do to avoid being haunted by the dead and
receives elaborate, explicit instructions :
" If thou comest to the temple, put on clean clothing ;
Like a townsman shalt thou come to it.
Be not anointed with sweet oil from a cruse,
Nor let its fragrance gather around thee ;
Set not bow to the earth,
Lest those shot down by thy bow gather around thee ;
Carry not a stick in thy hand,
Lest ghosts gibber against thee ;
Put no shoe on the sole of thy foot,
Nor make a sound on the ground ;
1 Dozon, p. 67.
263 s
HEROIC POETRY
The wife whom thou lovest, kiss her not,
The wife whom thou hatest, chastise her not ;
The child whom thou lovest, kiss him not,
The child whom thou hatest, chastise him not." 1
Gilgamish then does just the opposite of what he is told, and the
poet tells of this in the same order and with only such changes as
are required by Gilgamish's violation of the rules. The art of
repetition receives a new and subtle turn, and it is clear that the
poet is a master of it.
In such repetitions there may be a number of different items,
each of which has its own importance, and it is essential that each
should be equally emphatic. For this reason an ingenious method
is sometimes used by which the items are first stated in one order
and then repeated in the reverse order. The reason for this is
that in absorbing such lists the audience, in its interest in what is
coming later, may forget what comes earlier, and this technique
serves to keep all the items fresh in the memory. A charming
example comes from the Jugoslav Marko drinks Wine in Ramadan,
which begins with an order given by the Sultan and with Marko's
immediate disregard of it :
Sultan Suleiman gave cry an order,
That no man should drink of wine in Ramadan,
That no man should put on green apparel,
That no man should gird a sword about him,
That no man should dance a dance with women.
Only Marko danced a dance with women,
Marko girded on a well-forged sabre,
Marko garbed himself in green apparel,
Marko drank of wine, red wine, in Ramadan.2
By this neat device all the items in Marko 's behaviour are kept
clear and emphatic, and there is a certain charm in the way in
which they are repeated in reverse order, so that the drinking of
wine stands out as his chief offence.
The same technique is used by Homer, especially in dealing
with complicated questions and answers. For instance, when
Odysseus arrives as an unknown stranger at the court of Alcinous,
the queen, Arete, asks him three questions, who is he, who gave
him his garments (which she recognises as belonging to her own
household), and whether he came over the sea. Odysseus answers
these questions in the opposite order. First, he tells at some
length of his wanderings at sea ; next, he says that he landed naked
and that Arete's daughter, Nausicaa, gave him the garments which
1 Gilgamish, xii, i, 15-27. 2 Karadzic, ii, p. 395.
264
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
he is wearing ; his name he does not tell but keeps in reserve to
surprise his hosts later.1 Again, when Odysseus meets the ghost
of his mother, he asks her a series of questions, seven in all, about
her own death, did she die of disease or by the gentle arrows
of Artemis, about Laertes and about Telemachus, whether his
estates and power are safe or have been taken by another, and about
Penelope. His mother answers these questions in exactly the
opposite order, beginning with news of Penelope, then tells him
that no one has taken his power and estates which are safe, con-
tinues with Telemachus and Laertes, and ends by saying that she
herself died not from the gentle arrows of Artemis, nor from
disease, but for longing for Odysseus.2 Not only is the audience
kept fully aware of the situation in its many aspects, but Homer
secures a wonderful effect through the last words which come as a
triumphant climax.
The repetitions so far considered belong to a special department
of the poet's technique which is concerned with stressing some-
thing within a short space. Each time the passage is repeated we
recall that it has already been used and relate its later appearances
to its earlier. When a poet composes, as Homer does, on a large
scale, the use of repetition may be different. He has his recurring
formulaic passages for many kinds of action, and he uses them
frequently. Nor, when he repeats a passage after a considerable
interval, do we necessarily remember where it last appeared and
what purpose it then served. But Homer uses these repetitions
with discrimination. He does not introduce them on every suit-
able occasion but varies their introduction to mark stages or em-
phasis in his story. He has, for instance, a set of eight lines which
tell how a guest is washed and fed, and in the Odyssey he uses this
six times, but always as a prelude to some new development in the
action — for the first appearance of Athene in Ithaca which sets
the plot going,3 for the first colloquy between Telemachus and
Menelaus which precedes the stories of what happened to the
heroes of Troy,4 for the reception of Odysseus in Phaeacia with
its promise that he will be sent safely home,5 for the moment when
Circe has promised to turn back his comrades into their proper
human shape,6 for the departure of Telemachus from Sparta with
its propitious omens and Helen's prophecy of success,7 and for
Telemachus' story of his adventures to Penelope with the solemn
words of the seer, Theoclymenus, that Odysseus has already
1 Od. vii, 237 ff. 2 Ibid, xi, 171-203 ; cf. Bassett, pp. 120-22.
3 Od. i, 136 ff. ? Ibid, iv, 52 ff. s Ibid, vii, 172 ff.
6 Ibid, x, 368 ff. 7 Ibid, xv, 135 ff.
265
HEROIC POETRY
arrived in Ithaca.1 On other occasions guests arrive and the
formulaic passage might be used, but it is not, and the natural
conclusion is that it creates an effect which prepares us for new
developments. It gives a pause in the action and leads us from one
episode to another. Not all poets are so skilful at this as Homer, but
the use of the set passage in the long poem is not simply a con-
venience for the poet ; it can also do a special work in its context.
Homer also illustrates the art of omitting set passages unless
they have something special to do. He has, for instance, a form of
several lines which tells how a warrior arms. But he does not use
it invariably. When all is ready for the duel between Hector and
Ajax, he says no more than Ajax " armed himself in bright
bronze ".2 He uses similar shortened forms for the arming of
Paris, Idomeneus, and Athene.3 But on four occasions he uses a
full form, and each has its significance. The first is before the duel
between Paris and Menelaus, which is the first fighting in the Iliad
and the prelude to the general battle ; 4 the second is when
Agamemnon, in the absence of Achilles, prepares for a great
onslaught ; 5 the third is before the counter-attack led by Patroclus
which saves the Achaean forces from destruction and drives the
Trojans back to Troy ; 6 and the fourth is when Achilles finally
decides to go back to the fight.7 Each is a special occasion since it
marks a new and important stage in the development of the action.
It is true that the four cases are not quite alike, and that in each
Homer, after using a set form for the start, then adds to it differ-
ently in each case. But this only shows how he sees each occasion
in its own light and adapts his formula to it with some piece of
relevant information about Agamemnon's shield and breast-plate
or the chariot and horses of Patroclus and Achilles. Homer is such
a master of his craft that he makes his formulaic passages vary
with their contexts and the needs of his narrative.
Repetitions are commonest in formulaic poetry but there is
one important feature of this style which survives in almost all
branches of heroic verse. Similes have their roots very deep in
poetical art. They are already impressive in Gilgamish, where
Enkidu's hair sprouts " like barley " ; he himself sways " like
mountain corn " ; Gilgamish laments for him " like a wailing
woman " or " like a lioness robbed of her cubs " ; in the Flood
bodies glut the sea " like fish-spawn " ; the tempest and the
deluge fight " likeT an embattled army " ; the gods come to a
1 Od. xvii, 91 ff. 2 //. vii, 206.
3 Ibid, vi, 504 ; xiii, 241 ; viii, 388. 4 Ibid, iii, 328 ff.
« Ibid, xi, 16 ff. 6 Ibid, xvi, 130 ff. ' 7 Ibid, xix, 369 ff.
266
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
sacrifice " like flies " ; sleep comes " like a breeze ". Similes,
as Gilgamish uses them, belong to a very ancient habit of speech.
They do something which direct description cannot do, in stressing
aspects of a situation which appeal to the eye or the feelings but
are too indeterminate for direct statement. No doubt a highly
developed language might say the same kind of thing, without
resorting to similes, by some precise account of what happens.
But, even so, much would be lost, since the simile catches those
emotional and imaginative associations which lie beyond the reach
of literal statement. The simile is as essential to heroic poetry as
to any other because it conveys fleeting shades and tones which
would otherwise be lost.
Comparisons may be extremely simple and short, and in
most heroic poetry similes consist of a very few words. Such
are to be found constantly in Homer, as when he says that a
shield is " like a tower ", that Apollo comes down " like the
night ", that Thetis rises from the sea " like a mist ", that a
cloud is " blacker than pitch ", that Agamemnon surveys his
forces " like a ram ", that Athene comes " like a sea-bird ",
that warriors are " like lions or boars ". Such comparisons are
immediately to the point ; they illuminate the situation for a
moment, and then the poet goes on with the story. This kind of
illustration serves a truly poetical purpose in bringing together
things which are commonly kept apart. The poet almost identifies
one object with another and creates in the minds of his hearers a
similar identification. When Homer's gods descend like the night
or rise like the mist, they are for the moment almost equated with
night or mist and have such a look and movement. In such com-
parisons a real element of identity is presupposed, and to this the
poet draws attention.
(^At the same time a simile not only illustrates but creates a
special effect because it is drawn from some sphere of reality not
closely related to that in which the action itself takes place. It
turns our minds to this and makes us for the moment forget the
action in the thought of something else. It thus gives relief and
respite, especially in accounts of battle and fighting which may not
be monotonous to their right hearers but at least tend to awake a
narrow range of emotional response.^) The excitements and the
thrills of fighting, even the pity and fear which it arouses, may come
in so strong a flood as to overwhelm us and dull our sensibilities.
Even the smallest simile may help in this and enable us to regain
our interest. So when a Jugoslav herd leaps to the attack,
As a mountain falcon spreads its pinions,
HEROIC POETRY
we not only see him more vividly but feel differently about him.
The mention of the bird conjures up a different world of experience
and adds a new note of colour to the picture. The small simile
nearly always has this effect, even when it is not concerned with
battle. It takes our minds momentarily away from the scenes of
violence, and so refreshes them and enables them to listen again
with a new attention.
The size and character of similes vary considerably from one
class of heroic poetry to another. There are even some poems
which lack them altogether, like Hildebrand and Maldon. These
poems are short, and it may be that in their restricted compass
poets do not feel any need to embellish the story, but give all their
time to making the most of its essential facts. Or it may be that
their temper is so austerely heroic that even a simile is felt to be
out of place, an unnecessary decoration or unworthy concession to
human frailty. Certainly these two cases seem to be exceptional.
Similes occur in Beowulf and in the Elder Edda, and there is no
reason to think that they did not exist in the old Germanic poetry
which lies behind both Hildebrand and Maldon^ There is also a
comparative paucity of similes in the Armenian poems, and here
there is no question of space, since the poets compose on quite a
generous scale. But this art, as it is now practised, must have lost
much which it once had, and the comparative absence of similes is
probably due to the passage of time which has taken away much
else. (^With these exceptions, for which there may be special
reasons, similes are to be found in most heroic poetry wherever it
exists. )
Similes are usually short and consist of no more than a few
words. That this is in origin formulaic is clear not merely from
Homer but from other poets who improvise or are close to im-
provisation.") It is, for instance, normal in Jugoslav poems, where
warriors are " like burning coals " or " mountain wolf-packs ",
with moustaches " black as midnight ", or roar for booty " like
bullocks ", where a woman hisses " like a furious serpent ",
villages rise in revolt " like the grass-blades ", bullets fly " like
hailstones from the sky ", women lament " like cuckoos " or
" like swallows ", men ride together " like a pair of pigeons " or
" like two tall mountains ", a warrior casts his cudgel " like a
maiden playing with an apple ", a man's throat is slit " like a
white lamb's ", eyes pierce through the darkness " like a prowling
wolf's at midnight ", or a horse races " like a star across the cloud-
less heavens ". Similes of this kind are much less common in
Russian poems, but they have their part in the Russian tradition
268
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
and may be seen in the Tale of Igor's Raid, where warriors run
like wolves, fly like falcons, creep like weasels, swim like ducks.
As we shall see, the characteristic Russian simile is different, but
the ordinary simile is known to the poets who tell how ships fly
" like falcons " or " like white hawks ", or how the heathen are
" like black crows ", or roar " like beasts ".
The Asiatic peoples are quite as fond of similes as the Euro-
pean. The poetry of the Kara-Kirghiz abounds in them. Warriors
are commonly compared to leopards or camels or tigers or bears ;
their eyes are like flames ; a woman's eyes sparkle like mirrors ;
tears are like drops of rain or hail in spring ; words are like hawks.
The Kalmucks have an equal abundance. A flag is like the yellow
sun ; a hero beautiful as the meeting of friends ; dust rises like
the white clouds of the sky ; deer are as numerous as the stars ;
tears are like hail ; warriors are like lions ; a woman's face is like
the full moon. Despite the small scale of their composition, the
Ossetes manage to introduce similes into their poems and tell how
a warrior disguises himself in a skin " like a leathern bottle ", or
strikes at his enemy " like an arrow ", or roars " like thunder in
the sky ", or looks at his opponent " as an eagle looks at a spar-
row ", how a man disappears " like water poured from a cup on
the sand ". Such similes are certainly formulaic, since they are
repeated when there is need for them. They add to the variety of
the poetry, and their repetition contributes to the general effect.
LXhe same art can be seen in a modified form in poems which
have moved further from improvisation, and prove that this device
still has its charm and usefulness. In Beowulf the work of such
similes is largely done by the " kennings ", but there are a few
genuine similes like
The foamy-flecked floater to a fowl best likened (218).
In his eyes there shone
The leaping flame likest a light unlovely (727-8).
Was the stem of each nail to steel best likened (985). j
In Roland there are no " kennings " but there are some simple
similes. The Franks are " fiercer than lions ", the Saracens
" blacker than ink on the pen ", a man's head " white as a flower
in summer ", bears " white as driven snows ", a horseman
" swifter than a falcon ". As the poet gets further away from
formulae, he uses similes less freely, but when he uses them, they
are clearly traditional. He owes them to an ancient art and at
times resorts to them to make a point clear.
A special kind of simile, found chiefly in Slavonic countries
269
HEROIC POETRY
and often called " epic antithesis ", is really a negative comparison.
In it a statement is first made or a question asked ; then it is con-
tradicted or denied. This device enables the poet to hint at a
state of mind and then to make it clear, and in so doing to give a
fuller significance to what he describes by creating expectation
and surprise. The first traces of this can be seen in the Tale of
Igor's Raid, when Igor escapes from the Polovtsy :
It was not the magpies chattering ;
In pursuit of Igor
Gzak rides with Konchak.
This reflects a natural experience. First a sound is suggested,
which might be the chatter of magpies ; then it is clear that it is
something else, the chatter of Igor's pursuers. But the impression
of a simile remains because the sound of the pursuit is really like
the confused babble of magpies. This device is found in all
branches of Slavonic poetry, and may well be an inheritance from
a distant past. A good example comes from the Bulgarian Death
of the Warrior Marko :
With a red light was the sunrise flaming
On the beautiful Wallachian country.
No, it was not sunrise in the heaven ;
'Twas his mother seeking her son, Marko.1
Precisely the same device is used by Ukrainian poets, as when
captives lament in prison :
On Holy Sunday it is not the grey-blue eagles who have begun to cry,
It is the poor captives in their harsh captivity who have begun to cry.2
Or when a Cossack leaves his home :
On Sunday in the morning,
It is not the clocks that sound,
It is voices which sound in the house at the end of the village.
The father and the mother send their son to a foreign land.3
The same device is commonly used by Jugoslav poets, especially
to introduce a poem by a striking appeal to the imagination. So
Marko Kralevic and General Vuka begins with a scene of revel in
the castle of a Turk who has captured three Serb warriors :
Is it thunder, or is it an earthquake ?
No it is not thunder nor an earthquake ;
They are firing cannons in the castle,
In the mighty castle of Varadin.*
1 Derzhavin, p. 83. 2 Scherrer, p. 58.
3 Idem, p. 114. 4 Karadzic, ii, p. 224.
270
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
The noise of the cannons is presented first through the image of
thunder or earthquake, then in its true character. Again, in Milo$
Stoicevic and Meho Orugdzijc a mother's lament is presented by
the same indirect approach :
Loud a grey-blue cuckoo-bird lamented
On the hillock over Bijeljina ;
'Twas no grey-blue cuckoo that lamented,
But the mother of Orugd&jc' Meho.1
Such passages perform the same function as ordinary similes, but
in a more striking way. Our curiosity is first aroused, then satis-
fied, and we receive a complex impression of what is happening
through the poet's double presentation of it.
This device is exploited with much skill by Russian poets who
greatly prefer it to the ordinary simile. A good example can be
seen in Ryabinin's account of the murder of the Tsarevich Dmitri
by Boris Godunov :
It is no whirlwind rolling along the valley,
It is not feather-grass bowing to the earth,
It is an eagle flying under the clouds ;
Keenly he looks at the Moscow River
And the palace of white stone,
And its green garden,
And the golden palace of the royal city.
It is not a cruel serpent rearing itself up,
It is a cowardly dog raising a steel knife.
It has fallen not into the water nor on the earth,
It has fallen on to the white breast of the Tsar's son,
None other than the Tsar's son Dmitri.2
Here there are in effect three comparisons. First, the flight of an
eagle is like a wind or grass moving : then, the murderous stroke
of Boris is like the bite of a snake ; lastly, the fall of the knife on
the young man's breast is like something falling on earth or water.
The negative comparisons create an impression which is both
visual and emotional ; they show both what the crime looks like
and what it means. Sometimes this art is used for a purely emo-
tional or psychological purpose, as when a poet describes the fury
of Ivan the Terrible against the towns of Pskov and Novgorod :
It is not the blue sea which is stirring,
It is not the wet pine-wood which is on fire,
It is the terrible Tsar Ivan Vasilevich who is aflame,
Saying that he must punish Novgorod and Pskov ; 3
1 Ibid, iv, p. 196. Trs. W. A. Morison.
2 Kireevski, vii, p. i. 3 Rybnikov, i, p. 115.
271
HEROIC POETRY
or the impression of awe and fear which a Russian general makes
at the time of Peter the Great's war against Charles XII of Sweden :
It is not a threatening cloud which has come up,
Nor a heavy fall of sleet descending ;
From the glorious town of Pskov
The great royal boyar has arisen,
Count Boris, the lord Petrovich Sheremetev,
With all his cavalry and dragoons,
With all his Muscovite infantry.1
In such cases the parallel is not visible but emotional. The images
reflect the temper of the Tsar and the threatening appearance of the
general, and set the tone for the poem which follows.
In these cases an additional emphasis is often secured through
an accumulation of comparisons. The poet feels that one is not
enough for his purpose and adds one or two more to make his
meaning quite clear. This is a technique pursued by many users
of similes. It draws attention to more than one aspect of a complex
situation and shows how much the poet sees in it. When the Kara-
Kirghiz poet describes a sorceress, he says :
Like a bride, with covered face,
Dzhestumshyk, the copper-lipped,
Hunts there for human beings,
As an evil spider hunts for flies.2
In appearance the sorceress is like a bride ; in character like a
spider. The elements so accumulated are unpretentious enough
in themselves but gain by being placed in new combinations.
Thus, though the poets of the Elder Edda seldom use similes, yet,
when they do, they like to accumulate them. The elements are
plainly traditional — a man is like a stag or a tree or a jewel —
but variations are secured through new conjunctions, as for
instance :
Helgi rose above heroes all
Like the lofty ash above lowly thorns,
Or the noble stag, with dew besprinkled,
Bearing his head above all beasts. 3
Sigurth is praised in much the same way by Guthrun :
" So was my Sigurth o'er Gjuki's sons,
As the spear-leek grown above the grass,
Or the jewel bright borne on the band,
The precious stone that princes wear " ;4
1 Kireevski, viii, p. 129 ; Chadwick R.H.P. p. 271. 2 Manas, p. 76.
3 Helgakvitha Hundingsbana, ii, 37. 4 Guthrundrkvitha, i, 17.
272
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
or
So Sigurth rose o'er Gjuki's sons
As the leek grows green above the grass,
Or the stag o'er all the beasts doth stand,
Or as glow-red gold above silver grey.1
Though the separate elements in these similes are simple and even
conventional, something is gained by their juxtaposition. Helgi or
Sigurth is suggested in his whole being, in his height and strength,
his superiority and brilliance and beauty. Each simile makes its
contribution, but the total result is more than the mere sum of
them.
When a poet wishes to produce a particularly striking effect,
he may pile up similes in this way, taking care that each adds
something new. So the Kara- Kirghiz poet conveys the speed and
ferocity of Alaman Bet in action :
He flashed like a whirlwind,
He made the light of noon like night,
He made summer into winter,
And with a thick veil
He covered the empty steppe.2
In a similar manner the Kalmuck poet lets himself go on the great
hero, Dzhangar :
Look at him from behind,
He is slender as a tall cypress ;
Look at him from in front,
It is as if he had a hungry lion's grip
Who leaps from the crest of a hill.
Look at him from the side,
He is like a full moon on the fifteenth night.
In the muscles between his shoulders
He is almost like a loaded camel.
His lustreless silver hair
Stays like a fallen full-grown cypress. 3
This portrait from every angle leaves little unsaid. Nor is this
technique confined to men. It is equally suited to feminine
charms, and a Kara- Kirghiz poet uses it very prettily when he
expands on the charms of Ak Saikal :
The snow falls to the black earth,
Look at the snow, it is like her flesh ;
A drop of blood falls on the snow,
Look at the blood, it is like her face.
1 Ibid, ii, 2. 2 Manas, p. 240.
3 Dzhangariada, p. 97.
273
HEROIC POETRY
Her mouth is like a foxglove,
Her teeth are rows of pearls,
Like feathers her eyebrows,
Black berries her eyes,
Like sugar is the maiden.1
A similar technique and not dissimilar comparisons are used by a
Jugoslav poet for the same purpose :
Fine of waist is she, and tall of figure,
And her hair is like a wreath of silk-threads ;
Her two eyes are like two precious jewels,
And like leeches from the sea her eyebrows ;
In her cheeks a crimson rose is blooming,
And her teeth two strings of pearls resemble,
And her mouth a little box of sugar ;
When she speaks, 'tis like a pigeon cooing,
Like the sound of sprinkled pearls her laughter,
And her walk is like a peahen's gliding.2
Most of these comparisons are formulaic and traditional, but their
combination is new and charming. The poet sets out an inventory
of the young woman's attractions, and she emerges from it in all
her grace and gaiety.
These accumulated similes belong to what is on the whole an
unsophisticated poetry, but they are also used by poets who are
more conscious of their literary calling and know well what they
are doing. In The Stealing of the Mare, when Ganimeh comes to
ask Abu Zeyd for help, she praises him for his chivalry in a series
of comparisons :
" Thus have I come to thee on my soul's faith, Salameh,
Thee the champion proved of all whose hearts are doubting,
Thee the doer of right, the scourge of the oppressor,
Thee the breeze in autumn, thee the winter's coolness,
Thee the morning's warmth after a night of watching,
Thee the wanderer's joy, well of the living water,
Thee to thy foeman's lips as colocynth of the desert,
Thee the river Nile in the full day of his flooding,
When he hath mounted high and covereth the islands." 3
With this we may compare the way in which a list may be used not
for praise but for abuse and be equally effective in its own task.
In Gilgamish, when the goddess Ishtar falls in love with the hero
and makes him an offer of marriage, which he rejects with scorn,
he is inspired to a series of comparisons :
" Thou art a ruin which gives no shelter to man from the weather,
Thou art a back door which resists not wind or storm,
1 Radlov, v, p. 392. 2 Morison, p. xxx. 3 Blunt, ii, p. 136.
274
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
Thou art a palace which breaks in pieces the heroes within it,
Thou art a pitfall whose covering gives way,
Thou art pitch which defiles the man who carries it,
Thou art a bottle which leaks on him who carries it,
Thou art limestone which lets stone ramparts fall and crumble,
Thou art chalcedony which fails to guard in an enemy's land,
Thou art a sandal which causes its owner to stumble. " l
The devastating list shows up the goddess Ishtar for the untrust-
worthy being that she is.
\The small simile inevitably becomes bigger as the poets see its
uses for varying the texture of their poetry. It may be expanded
into several lines by the addition of details inside a single frame.
So though The Stealing of the Mare is fond of similes in sequence,
it also knows the use of a fuller, single simile, as when Abu Zeyd
is surrounded by enemies in a fight :
And they pressed me left and right as the high banks of a river,
Even the river Nile in the full day of its flooding,
When the whirlpools sweep with might and overwhelm the bridges.2
Even poets who are sparing of similes sometimes do this or come
near to it. So Roland, in which the similes are sparse and short,
expands them at least into a single whole line when Roland pursues
the Saracens :
Even as a stag before the hounds goes flying,
Before Rollanz the pagans scatter, frightened. '
So too the poet of Beowulf evidently feels that the mysterious
melting of Beowulf's sword in the lair of Grendel's Dam demands
something more than a short comparison, and spreads himself
on it :
Then that sword began
From the sweat of death in icicle drops,
The war-bill, to wane ; that was something wondrous
That it all melted, to ice most likened. 4 J
So the Norse poet makes Guthrun describe her widowhood :
Lonely am I as the forest aspen,
Of kindred bare as the fir of its boughs,
My joys are all lost as the leaves of the tree
When the scather of twigs from the warm day turns. 5
The art of comparison has passed beyond the equivalence of a
single point and advanced to something more complex. So the
Kara-Kirghiz poet describes the warriors of Manas :
1 Gilgamish, vi, i, 33-41- 2 Blunt, ii, p. 184.
3 Roland, 1874-5. 4 Beowulf, 1605-8. 5 Hamthismdl, 5.
275
HEROIC POETRY
As the grass of the wormwood on the steppe
Passes beyond the sandy wastes,
As on the other side the grass
Passes into the waving blue. . . .!
The wide landscape is evoked to show the size of the host. By this
extension of the simple simile the poets not only make their com-
parisons more vivid and more precise but give a longer respite in
the record of action.
In Homer the long simile plays a large part. He is the source of
all the long similes which are so attractive in Virgil, Camoens,
Ariosto, Tasso, and Milton. Though he frequently uses short
similes, his long similes are hardly less frequent and represent a
more advanced art. By them he illustrates the central character
of an event by comparing it to some other event of quite a different
kind. He stresses what seems to him important and does not
attempt the impossible task of trying to find a comparison on every
point. What he stresses is some essential quality which two events
have in common. When the Achaeans in battle are white with
dust, it is like a threshing-floor covered with chaff.2 All that
concerns Homer for the moment is the visual impression of white-
ness. Again, when Priam and the old men of Troy talk on the
city-wall, and are compared to cicadas chirruping on a tree,3 the
comparison is of sound and of the effect which it makes. By such
means Homer makes his actions vivid to the eye and the ear. He
first speaks of them plainly and then enlarges the concept of them
by some comparison which emphasises a special quality in them.
He helps us to select from a complex experience what is really
essential and central.
Of course this art inevitably passes beyond the appeal of sight
or sound and helps to stress the appeal of some situation to the
imagination by drawing attention to its actual character. Take, for
instance, the occasion when the Achaeans stand firm against the
onslaught of Hector and his Trojans :
Like to a tower they held, firm fastened, just as a grey rock
Rising high in the air, at the side of the silvery-grey sea,
Waits and endures the attacks of the winds that whistle against it
And of the full-bellied waves that break into foam all about it.*
Both sight and sound play some part in the comparison, but there
is something else more important. The defence of the Achaean
warriors has the strength and majesty of a wall of rock, and that
1 Manas, p. 75. 2 //. v, 499 ff.
3 Ibid, iii, 151 ff. 4 Ibid, xv, 618-21.
276
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
is what principally matters. The visual impression passes into
something else and adds a new dimension to the issue at stake.
Again, when Priam comes to Achilles to ransom the body of his
dead son, Hector, Achilles is dumbfounded at the old man's
courage, and Homer emphasises this in a simile :
As when a man whom spite of fate hath curs'd in his own land
For homicide, that he fleeth abroad and seeketh asylum
With some lord, and they that see him are fill'd with amazement.1
At first sight we might think that the simile is not very exact, that
Priam is less suitably compared to a murderer than Achilles would
be. But Homer has his eye on a special point, and his simile
stresses it. The amazement which Achilles feels is not merely
surprise at Priam's courage but is coloured by dark emotions
related to the world of carnage in which he lives and of which his
killing of Hector is a signal example. In this world passions of
hatred and revenge cloud the judgment, and the unexpected
appearance of Priam is in its own way as strange as the arrival of
a homicide in quest of asylum with a rich lord. What matters is
the identity of emotional and imaginative effect, the light which
the simile throws on the event which it illustrates. The mixed
emotions and the sinister implications of bloodshed are implicit
in the simile as in the dramatic situation.
In his desire to create this identity of character and atmosphere
Homer sometimes tends to pass beyond the limits of exact com-
parison so far as sight is concerned. He begins a simile with some-
thing plainly visual, and then adds something else which is not
visual and seems to have no direct relation to the original situation.
Take, for instance, the scene where the Trojans camp in the plain
and light their camp-fires :
As when in heaven the stars around the moon in its splendour
Shine very bright, when the air is silent without any wind's breath,
And all the mountains are clear, and the peaks of the lofty hill-
ranges,
And every valley ; from high the limitless heaven is open,
And every star can be seen ; and at heart the shepherd is joyful.2
The camp-fires are visually like the stars on a windless night but
the introduction of the shepherd and his gladness is a new idea.
It sums up the calm and peacefulness of such an occasion. Even in
war there are these moments, and Homer touches dexterously and
lightly on them. Again, when Odysseus enters the hall before
beginning to kill the Suitors, he debates with himself what to do,
1 Ibid, xxiv, 480-82. Trs. Robert Bridges. 2 //. viii, 551-5.
277
HEROIC POETRY
and the movements of his thought are compared to something
visible :
Even as over a fire that rises up crackling and flaming
A man turns this way and that a paunch full of blood and of suet,
And very greatly desires that it shall be speedily roasted.1
The visible image adds exactness and clarity to the movements
of Odysseus' mind, but what really matters is his eagerness to get
to work, and that is what Homer conveys. Odysseus is as im-
patient as a man cooking a haggis, and that is the chief point.
Homer's similes are vivid pictures of different corners of life.
Each lives on its own and reveals some unsuspected or hidden
quality in a situation. But because they are complete, they tend
sometimes to pass beyond mere comparison, even of character and
atmosphere, and to introduce something which is, strictly speaking,
irrelevant. The picture takes command, and the poet so enjoys it
that he completes it with some charming touch which makes us
almost forget why the simile has been introduced. A striking
example of this is when Menelaus is wounded and his hip stained
with blood :
As when a Carian woman, or maybe Maeonian, staineth
Ivory with red dye as a cheek-decoration for horses ;
Safe in a chamber it lies ; many horsemen are eager to wear it,
But in a king's treasure-chamber it lies to be a decoration
Worn by his horse and to bring great glory to whoso may drive it.2
The first point of the comparison is of course between the colour
of blood on the skin and of scarlet stain on ivory. The implied
comparison may go further and hint at the fascination which even
such a wound may have. But then the comparison really ceases.
The last two lines leave the original situation behind and complete
the picture for its own sake. Again, when Asius is killed by
Idomeneus :
Down he fell with a crash as an oak may fall or a poplar,
Or as a lofty pine, which men who work on the mountains
Fell with new-sharpened axes to make a plank for a great ship. 3
The fall of the warrior is well likened to the felling of a tall tree,
but the reference to the ship's timber is not strictly to the point.
It helps to fill in the picture and make it more interesting. Homer
does not often expand his similes in this way, but his reasons for
doing so may be surmised. He wishes not only to illustrate an
occasion in his story but to provide some relief from what might
otherwise be too monotonous. These little glimpses into worlds
1 Od. xx, 25-7. 2 //. iv, 141-5. 3 Ibid, xiii, 389-91.
278
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
which have nothing to do with war give a momentary respite and
send us back refreshed to the fighting.
In his similes Homer uses formulaic phrases as he does else-
where, and the remarkable thing is how finely he uses them, how
little sense of strain is felt at their reappearance in different
circumstances. But he does more than this ; he repeats actual
similes, either in whole or in part, to illustrate quite different
situations. On this many theories have been built, but we cannot
doubt that Homer did it because the similes existed and were
ready for use. It was up to him to see that they were used effect-
ively and relevantly. For instance, he twice makes a comparison
between a man going to battle and a horse going to pasture :
As when a stallion, fed with barley-meal in the stable,
Breaks his tether and runs off stamping over the country,
Being accustomed to bathe in the streams of the broad-flowing
river,
Glorying ; high he raises his head, and the mane on his shoulders
Floats all about him ; he puts his trust in his prowess, and swiftly
His legs carry him off to the haunts where the mares are at pasture.1
This is admirably to the point for Paris, who goes to war rather as
he goes to love. But it is used again for Hector,2 and we might
feel that for him it is less appropriate. Yet in the context it is right
enough. Hector too goes to battle like an eager stallion. We must
forget that the simile has been used for Paris and dismiss its
associations with him. It takes its colour from its new setting and
works very well. Again, Ajax is pressed back by the advancing
Trojans :
As when a glittering lion retreats from a steading of oxen,
Driven away in much haste by the dogs and the men of the pasture,
Who will never allow him to pick the best of the oxen,
All night waiting for him ; and he, for flesh very eager,
Goes to his task but achieves not a thing ; for many the javelins
Flung by their fearless hands come to meet him upon his arrival,
And many torches aflame, which he fears, though he be very eager.3
Ajax's unwilling retirement is well caught in this simile, but Homer
uses it again to tell how Menelaus leaves the battle to look for
Antilochus.4 The occasion is less exciting and there is hardly any
fight in it. But the simile is appropriate enough. Menelaus does
not wish to leave the battle and is therefore like the lion which
retreats unwillingly. The context colours the simile and gives it
rather a different meaning. As commonly with formulae, the
1 Ibid, vi, 506-11. 2 Ibid, xv, 263 ff.
3 Ibid, xi, 548-54. 4 Ibid, xvii, 657 ff.
279 T
HEROIC POETRY
colour is partly provided by the situation, and we must look to
that, and not to other places where the same form of words has
been used.
Another traditional element in heroic poetry is concerned with
getting a story started. This too is often formulaic and part of
the technique which a bard inherits from tradition and learns from
his masters. This is not to say that all heroic poems begin on
conventional lines with a stock theme. There are many of them
which show the poet's ability to start with something striking of
his own invention. But the majority start in a familiar way, and
the reason for it is that, just as the audiences like formulae and
repetitions, so too they like stock openings. They feel imme-
diately at home ; their uncertain attention is caught without
difficulty by the familiarity of the theme, and they listen to see
how it is developed and what new point is given to it. The result
is that there are certain openings which occur in more than one
country or language and show the way in which heroic poets work,
wherever they may live. These openings are, naturally enough,
commonest in short lays, but they are to be found also in long
poems, and even in very long poems, as means to start new
episodes. Their use is an interesting commentary on the develop-
ment of heroic poetry from short lay to full-scale epic. The poet
of the epic knows the art of the lay and has probably been brought
up on it ; so when he advances to composition on a large scale, he
still uses the devices which belong to the lay and weaves them into
a larger whole. The themes which open poems or episodes may
often be quite simple and conventional, but it is instructive to see
how they are made to fit into a narrative of action.
First, there is the theme of the feast. In Russian poetry no
theme is commoner. The great man gives a feast, and at it a
boast or a wager is made which has to be justified by action. It
does not matter whether the great man is Vladimir or Ivan the
Terrible or another. The procedure is usually the same and
expressed in very similar words. It looks as if such an opening
were devised to cover the moments when the bard begins his
performance and has not yet caught the full attention of his
audience. It is completely conventional and unadventurous, but
good enough to engage attention and set the story going. The
feast is described, arid then the story proper begins. Staver boasts
that his wife can deceive Vladimir, and in due course she does ;
the talk turns to the wealth of Churilo Plenkovich, and Vladimir
rides out to see for himself ; Vladimir gives a feast and forgets to
ask Ilya to it, with humiliating consequences for himself ; Ivan the
280
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
Terrible boasts that there are no traitors in his realm, and his son,
Ivan, says that the other son, Fedor, is one. The feast is useful
for more than one reason. It allows a number of heroes to be
gathered together and to compete with each other in boasts and
challenges ; it shows familiar characters at their ease, ready to face
any new call to action ; above all it gives no indication of what is
coming next. In so starting his tale the bard keeps the audience
in the dark as to what is going to happen, and so prepares for the
surprise which he intends to create.
The Jugoslavs resemble the Russians in using the theme of the
feast, though their practice is a little different. It is usually very
short, not more than a line or two, and it depicts not so much a
feast at the house of a king or prince, though it does this in the
famous account of the feast before Kosovo, as of warriors drinking
together and depicted rapidly in such opening lines as
Three young Serbian chieftains sat a-drinking,
or
Thirty captains sat at wine together,
or
Marko sat at supper with his mother,
or
Musa the Albanian was drinking
Wine in Istambul, in the white tavern.
The words differ slightly according to the character or characters
to be introduced, but the plan is the same. The warriors sit and
drink ; then someone boasts or makes a wager or news arrives, and
stirring events are set in action. Philip the Magyar boasts that he
will put Marko's head on a tower of Karlovatz ; Marko carries
out his plan of feigning sick in order to trap a Turkish adversary ;
letters come to him, and he goes to the Sultan ; Musa boasts that
he will become a brigand and does so. The Jugoslav openings
resemble the Russian in the great freedom which they leave to the
poet to develop what sequel he will. They set a simple scene,
which makes almost anything possible.
A feast may also provide an opening for a longer poem, and in
that case it may be set out at some length as a useful way of intro-
ducing a hero and his companions and showing how they live.
That is what Kalmuck poets do more than once for Dzhangar.
In Dzhangar's War with the Black Prince the poet begins with a
long account of the hero, his dwelling, his horse, weapons, wife,
and companions, and all this leads up to a feast at which the hero's
praises are sung by a minstrel. This is followed immediately by a
similar feast at the court of his enemy, the Black Prince, and only
281
HEROIC POETRY
after this does the main action begin.1 A somewhat similar tech-
nique is used in another poem which tells of Dzhangar's victory
over the seven warriors of Khan Zambal, though there the poet
dispenses with the enemy's feast.2 The Kalmuck poets use the
theme of the feast because it enables them to present a whole
company of heroes in their splendour, and then to achieve a fine
contrast between their dignified calm when they are at rest and
their irrepressible energy when they are in action. Into this
setting is woven the theme of the boast which has to be justified
by action, as when the Black Knight says :
" Is there in all the world under the sun,
Under the sun or under the moon,
Such a man as could be matched with my strength ? "
The boast, once made, has to be justified, and the Black Knight is
defeated by Dzhangar.
A second popular theme is that of knights who ride abroad and
encounter adventures. This is extremely common in Slavonic
poetry whether in Russia or Jugoslavia or the Ukraine. The
Russians start with their usual simplicity, describing how a rider
crosses the open plain and then meets someone, and adventures
follow. Ilya of Murom encounters the giant Svyatogor or Nightin-
gale the Robber ; Alyosha and a companion find an inscription on
a stone which takes them to Kiev ; Svyatogor rides out and comes
to his death. The Jugoslavs have a similar technique, though they
maintain their habitual brevity, in such phrases as
Two sworn brothers rode abroad together,
or
Marko, king's son, rode out in the morning.
Then follow the adventures. Marko goes to Tsarigrad and be-
friends a powerful Turk, or finds that the Turks have instituted
a marriage-tax in Kosovo and abolishes it. So the Ukrainian
Cossack Holota begins in a similar way :
Across the fields of Kilia,
On the great highway of the Hordes,
Rides the cossack Holota,
Who fears not fire nor steel nor the three marches. 3
He soon picks up a Tatar and engages him in battle. This is a
good Slavonic technique and is similar in essential respects to the
theme of a feast. A warrior riding over the plain has the world
before him, and anything may be expected to happen.
1 Dzhangar iada, p. 108 ff. 2 Ibid. p. 153 ff.
3 Scherrer, p. 122.
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DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
The theme of the rider can also introduce an episode in a
longer poem, and still keep its typical character. So, when in a
Kalmuck poem the hero Khongor rides out to find an enemy, he
sees something in the distance :
On his fiery horse he leaped
On the southern peak of a hill
And saw that from the setting sun
Arose a thin red dust.
Speak of a whirlwind — this is no whirlwind.
Speak of a snow hurricane — this is no hurricane.
It must be dust from a brave war-horse,
It draws near to the warrior Ulan- Khongor,
On the slope of a high white hill
A warrior draws near, armed with a long spear. . . .l
Khongor addresses the stranger, and each declares who he is, with
the result that they know that they are enemies and serve masters
who are at war. Then Khongor comes to the final words :
" Before you get acquainted with me,
Do you not wish to taste my sword,
Such as there is not in all the world ? "
The fight begins and is conducted in a truly heroic manner :
They mingled their cold, black sabres,
Each smote the other on the shoulder-blade,
Stoutly on their protective battle-armour.
Their living black blood lashed their noses and mouths.2
In the result Khongor wins. The episode is part of the whole
poem but complete and satisfying in itself, as if the bard were
using the old device of starting a short lay with the theme of a
warrior riding out into the country.
A third popular theme for starting a poem is the flight of birds.
Birds, of course, are creatures of augury, and their flight may
foretell the future. So a tale may well begin with them because
they suggest that something important is going to happen. When
Helgi Hundingsbane is born, ravens watch from a tree and
prophesy his future. In the Hrafnsmal they tell a Valkyrie of the
doings of Harold Fairhaired. But more interesting perhaps is the
account, most likely based on a poem, which Procopius gives of
events in the year shortly before war broke out between the Warni
and the Angli.3 When Hermegisclus, king of the Warni, was out
riding with his chieftains, he saw a bird sitting on a tree who
croaked loudly. The king, either because he understood what the
1 Dzhangariada, p. 218. z Ibid. p. 2ig.
3 Bell. Goth, iv, 20.
283
HEROIC POETRY
bird said or had other intimations, claimed that it had prophesied
his death forty days later. He then made his last dispensations and
died on the fortieth day. This is the authentic pattern of prophecies
uttered by birds. The hero suddenly has the gift for under-
standing what they say, and, for good or ill, what they foretell
comes to pass. So too, after Sigurth has killed Fafnir and drunk
of his blood, he hears the nuthatches singing and understands their
song, which warns him against Regin, whom he then kills, and
tells him about Brynhild, how she is asleep on a mountain with
a wall of flame around her.1 The nuthatches start Sigurth on a
new adventure, which is to be the cause of his greatest glory and
his death. The Elder Edda is on the whole not fond of super-
natural elements of this kind, but we can hardly doubt that the
theme of birds was once common in Germanic poetry and has
survived in these cases.
The theme of birds is extremely common in Jugoslav poems,
in which they either forecast or give warning about coming events.
The simplest way of treating them is to make them messengers,
whose appearance and behaviour tell that something has happened,
as in 77/6? Battle of Misar :
Through the air came flying two black ravens,
From the far extending plain of Mi§ar
And from Sabac, from the white walled city ;
Bloody were their beaks unto the eyeballs
And their legs unto the knees were bloody.2
The wife of a Turkish general sees them and asks if they have
news of her husband who has gathered a great army to subdue the
Serbs, and the birds reply that his army has been defeated. She
continues to ask them questions until she has heard the whole
story, with a technique that recalls The Maiden of Kosovo, where a
battle and its details are reported by a series of answers to ques-
tions, though by human agents. In The Battle of Misar the birds
give a more eerie and menacing atmosphere to the story. Their
role suggests that the defeat of the Turkish army is a great natural
catastrophe in which even physical nature is concerned. The
Taking of Belgrade opens in a similar way but develops differently.
At the start the birds arrive :
Through the air came flying two bald ravens,
Flew across the whole of level Srijem,
Tired and hungry fell, and curses uttered :
" Land of Srijem, may thy green be withered
And thy townships all be drowned in sorrow !
1 Fafnismal, 32 ff. 2 Karadzic, iv, p. 177 ; Morison, p. 74.
284
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
Is there in all Srijem not one hero
Blood to spill, engaged in mortal combat ?
From the last three days have we two ravens
Over all the mountain-chains been flying,
Over all the forests, fields, and meadows ;
Nowhere on the soil could we discover
Meat of horses, or the flesh of heroes ;
What is this ? Misfortune fall upon thec ! " l
This is a more sinister and more imaginative idea than making the
birds mere messengers. They look for dead bodies and fail to
find them. A shepherd-boy curses them for wanting war, and they
fly off to the wife of a Turkish chieftain, who drives them away
with stones, and then to her horror sees a large army pitched
before her town. Then the story develops its full strength and tells
of the taking of Belgrade. The technique is more advanced than
in The Battle of Misar, and a comparison between the two poems
shows how differently the stock opening can be used.
This theme of birds is used abundantly by modern Greek
poets with some ingenious variations. The bird, as we might
expect, is sometimes no more than a bringer of news. So a poem
on events of 1770, Nikostaras, begins rather as a Jugoslav poem
might :
From Verrhia a little bird has started on its journey,
From rock to rock it makes its way, from refuge unto refuge,
The klephts interrogate the birds, to it the klephts put questions :
" Whence comest thou, O little bird ? O little bird, whence com'st
thou ? " 2
The bird replies that it goes from Verrhia to Agrapha to bring a
message to his friends from a leader who has been fighting for
three days and three nights in the snow. Nikostaras hears the
message and calls his men to arm and go with him to cut the
crossing over the river and join the forces of Lambrakis. More
curious is the opening of the poem which tells of the capture of
Trebizond in 1461 :
A bird from Trebizond, a bird comes flying from the city ;
It settles not upon the vines, nor settles in the gardens.
But into Hili fortress goes and there it ends its journey.
One of its wings it flutters then, and it is soaked in blood-stains,
The other wing it flutters too, which bears a written message.3
The message tells grave news of conquest by the Turks, and the
poem comes quickly to its close with a note of mourning. Greek
poetry provides another variant on the stock opening when the
1 Morison, p. 104 fF. z Politis, p. 93. ' Idem, p. 77.
285
HEROIC POETRY
birds are not augurs or messengers but representatives of public
opinion or some sort of spiritual agency which urges a man to
action :
Three little birds were wandering in the klephts' hiding places,
They sought to find Dimotsios, that he might be a captain.1
Dimotsios refuses because he is too old and has sons who can act
for him. But the birds insist :
" 'Tis you alone we wish to have, 'tis you we love and cherish/'
Dimotsios promises to do something. Then a pasha passes with
some prisoners, and Dimotsios cries out to him to free them. The
traditional bird has developed a new character and become almost
an indication of powers at work in the old captain.
A fourth way of opening a poem is to bring two characters
together and from this to evolve a scene of action. A special form
of this occurs in battle-scenes. Two warriors are somehow
separated from the general throng and confront one another.
They hold a parley, asking each other about their names and
families, and after this they fight. This theme resembles that of a
rider going out to seek an enemy, but differs in its setting. The
background of the battlefield is essential to it, and gives it a peculiar
distinction. A noble example of this theme can be seen in a short
poem, the Old German Hildebrand. It starts without explanation
with two warriors meeting on the battlefield :
I have heard it told
That Hildebrand and Hadubrand between the hosts
Challenged each other to single combat.
Father and son set their panoply right,
Made their armour ready, girt their swords on corslets,
Did the heroes then when they rode to the fray.
Yet even with this simple start the strange situation is soon
apparent. The two men, though neither yet knows it, are father
and son, and the development is made with a menacing sense of
doom. They engage in a parley, and it is clear to Hildebrand that
this is his son, though the son does not believe it and insists on
fighting. What might be only a useful start is woven into the
essential structure of the story.
In longer poems which are extensively concerned with war
this scheme is used to isolate individual combats and give them a
certain completeness. Homer certainly knew of it and uses it for
some hand-to-hand combats in the Iliad. When Achilles and
1 Politis, p. 89.
286
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
Aeneas meet before Troy, the scheme is used with a nice sense of
its quality. Homer, like the poet of Hildebrand, goes straight to
the point and dispenses with preliminaries :
Two men of valour surpassing
Went to the space between the two hosts, both eager for battle,
Aeneas, son of Anchises, and godlike Achilles.1
Since they know each other, there is no need for explanations, and
they begin to fight. But the old scheme has its claims, and Homer
soon presents an interesting variation on it. Achilles interrupts the
fighting to tell Aeneas to retreat, and then Aeneas replies with a
full history of his descent, though he begins by saying that it is
familiar to both of them.2 Aeneas does this because he has to
assert his claim to be as good a man as Achilles, since after all both
are sons of a mortal father and an immortal mother. Then the
gods intervene and break off the fight, but not before we have seen
that the two men are well matched and that Aeneas can stand up
to Achilles as hardly anyone else can.
A second ingenious variation which Homer makes of this theme
comes in the middle of another general battle. While Achaeans
and Trojans engage in battle, two warriors meet, and their meeting
is described in the traditional way :
Glaucus, Hippolochus' son, and Tydeus' son, Diomedes,
Came together between the two hosts, both eager for battle. 3
Diomedes, who has not seen Glaucus before, asks him who he is,
wonders if he is a god, and says that, if he is, he will not fight him,
since it will bring him a terrible doom. He speaks gravely and
courteously, and Glaucus answers him in the same spirit. After
saying that there is really no reason to ask a man who he is, since
the generations of men are like those of leaves, he tells his ancestry
and with it the story of his grandfather, Bellerophon. This shows
Diomedes that their families have old ties, and for this reason he
refuses to fight, and insists instead that they shall exchange armour.
On this the episode ends. It is a model of its kind. The art of the
short lay is used with much skill inside a large frame, and much of
the success depends on the way in which Homer uses an old device
to take him straight to the point at the start.
A fifth type of opening consists of persons arriving with news
or the like, with the result that some important action has to be
taken. This device enables the poet to start an action at its proper
beginning, to move from a scene of peace to scenes of violence, and
1 //. xx, 158-60. z Ibid. 203 ff. 3 Ibid, vi, 119-20.
287
HEROIC POETRY
to depict various persons in characteristic roles. The simplest
form is when a messenger arrives who is no more than a bringer
of news and has no importance beyond that. So in the Russian
The Youth of Churilo Plenkovich the bard combines this theme
with that of a feast. As Prince Vladimir holds a feast, he sees a
crowd of people coming, beating the ground with their heads.
They make complaint to him :
" Dear Sun of ours, Prince Vladimir !
Give us, Master, a just judgment,
Against Churilo Plenkovich.
To-day, when we were at the river Soroga,
Strangers appeared ;
They cast fishing-nets —
The strands were of seven silks,
The nets had floats of silver,
And gilded sinkers.
They caught dace,
But for us, dear master, there is no catch,
And for thee, Sire, there is not a fresh morsel.
And we have no guerdon from thee ;
They all call themselves, announce themselves to be
Churiio's company." l
This deputation is immediately followed by another, which
complains that Churilo shoots all the birds in the countryside ;
then comes a third with a like complaint about the wild animals.
The result is that Vladimir sets out to see Churilo for himself, and
from that much follows. Though the people who bring news are
anonymous, and interesting mainly as victims of Churiio's rapacity,
the device is effective since it moves at once to the dramatic issue
and shows how Vladimir behaves when faced by an urgent problem.
The device is more dramatic and more intimate when the news
is brought by a single person who is closely involved in what
happens, since this provides an opportunity for hearing at first
hand a story of suffering or injustice and makes us curious about
the result. This is the case in the Jugoslav Marko Kraljevic and
the Twelve Moors, which begins with Marko taking his ease in
comfort :
Marko, King's son, set up his pavilion,
In the harsh land of the Moorish people,
Sate him down to drink in his pavilion,
But before his glass of wine was finished,
Came a slave-girl running to him quickly,
Went into the tent of King's son Marko.
1 Rybnikov, ii, p. 524 ; Chadwick, R.H.P. p. 92.
288
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
The girl tells that she is maltreated by twelve Moors, who scourge
her and make her kiss them. Marko welcomes her kindly, covers
her with his mantle, and gives her a glass of wine :
" There ", quoth he, " now drink thy fill, O damsel,
From this day the sun hath risen on thce,
Seeing thou art come to my pavilion." l
Marko then takes on the Moors and kills them. The girl he hands
over to his mother for care, and later sees that she finds a good
husband. Though the poem is too short for the girl to have any
definite personality, she has at least a situation and the interest
which comes from it, and the device of making her bring news of
her own plight helps to knit the poem together.
This device is put to a highly dramatic use in the Norse legend
of the sons of Heithrekr. The legitimate son, Angantyr, is king
of the Goths, while the illegitimate son, Hlothr, has been brought
up among the Huns and has nothing. After a short statement of
the general situation, the poet of The Battle of the (loths and tJie
Huns 2 plunges into the story by making Hlothr himself come
to Angantyr :
Hlothr rode from the east, Heithrekr's heir,
Till he came to the garth, where the Goths dwell,
To Arheimar, to ask for his heritage.
Here Angantyr held Heithrekr's funeral feast.
Hlothr enters the hall and is welcomed by Angantyr, who asks
him to join in the feast. Hlothr refuses and demands half of
Angantyr's possessions. Angantyr offers a handsome compromise,
but says that he will rather fight than concede all that Hlothr
demands. Hlothr goes back to the Huns, gets them to declare
war, and in due course is killed in battle. This is a tragic tale in
the true heroic vein, and its main action turns on the conflict
between the two brothers. It is therefore suitable that at the start
they should be brought together and their different characters
revealed. While Hlothr is aggressive and vain, as suits the
bastard, Angantyr is generous and proud. He is ready to treat
Hlothr well, but honour forbids that he should yield all that is
demanded of him. The opening lines prepare the way for the
grim story that follows.
This technique may be used in a longer poem to start a chain
of dramatic events. Such is the case with the Norse Atlakvitha.
Atli, king of the Huns, plots the death of Gunnar and his com-
panions in order to gain their wealth. To secure his end, he
1 Karadzic, ii, p. 314. 2 Kershaw, p. 142 fT.
289
HEROIC POETRY
decides to invite them to his court, and sends a messenger asking
them to come. The poem begins with the arrival of the messenger :
Atli sent of old to Gunnar
A keen-witted rider, Knefroth did men call him ;
To Gjuki's home came he and to Gunnar's dwelling,
With benches round the hearth and to the beer, so sweet.1
Knefroth brings not news but an invitation, and he sets it out with
cunning eloquence :
" Now Atli has sent me his errand to ride,
On my bit-champing steed through Myrkwood the secret,
To bid you, Gunnar, to his benches to come,
With helms round the hearth, and Atli's home seek.
Shields shall ye choose there, and shafts made of ash-wood,
Gold-adorned helmets, and slaves out of Hunland,
Silver-gilt saddle-cloths, shirts of bright scarlet,
With lances and spears too, and bit-champing steeds.
The field shall be given you of wide Gnitaheith,
With loud-ringing lances, and stems gold-o'erlaid,
Treasures full huge, and the home of Danp,
And the mighty forest that Myrkwood is called." 2
Since the poet composes on a relatively full scale, he is able to make
Knefroth tell his tale in this detailed manner and thereby to show
how treacherous Atli and his agent are. He then develops his
story with a dramatic sense of its possibilities. At first Gunnar
sees no reason to accept the invitation ; he has abundant riches
and does not need what Atli offers him. But he feels that his
honour is somehow at stake and that he must go. Then the long
cruel series of events follows. Since the main interest now lies
with Gunnar and Atli, no more is said of Knefroth who has played
his part and disappears. But the theme of the invitation is used
with great ability. It shows the mixed feelings with which Gunnar
receives it and the heroic spirit in which he decides to take the
risk.
The arrival of a visitor with important news opens at least one
long heroic poem. The Odyssey starts with the visit of Athene to
Ithaca, where, in the long absence of his father, Telemachus is
sorely troubled by the Suitors who devour his substance. She
comes in the form of Mentes, prince of the Taphians, and is first
seen by Telemachus, who says courteously :
" Welcome, guest, to our hall, and when you have finished your supper,
Then do, I pray you to tell anything we may do in your service.'* 3
1 Atlakvitha, i. 2 Ibid. 3-5. 3 Od. i, 123-4.
290
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
This is the correct way to greet a stranger, and what follows is
equally correct. After the necessary preliminaries, Athene asks
about the Suitors, and Telemachus tells her of his plight. Then
she breaks her news :
" Know this for sure that he is not dead, the godlike Odysseus.
Nay, but he still is alive, tho' the broad sea-water withholds him
Far on a sea-girt isle, and cruel people restrain him,
Savages hold him back, tho' he longs very greatly to leave them." r
This is important news, but Telemachus is slow to believe it.
Athene persists in her story and tells him that he must go to Pylos
and Sparta to get news of his father. Any hesitation which he still
feels is dispersed when Athene changes into a sea-bird and flies
away. He then knows that she is a goddess and accepts her message
and her orders. So the action of the Odyssey is set in motion.
Athene's visit to Ithaca breaks a situation which has lasted for
years. The Suitors have cowed Penelope and her son into inac-
tion, and divine intervention is needed to break it, but Homer uses
for this the old theme of a visitor arriving with important news.
Lastly, dreams play a large part in starting heroic poems. They
have several advantages. They are interesting in themselves and
present incidents unlike those of ordinary life ; they create a sense
of destiny or of issues which have to be faced ; they often come at
important moments and decide the course which the action takes.
There is of course something fatalistic in the idea that dreams
foretell the future and that it cannot be avoided, but such fatalism
is common enough among most peoples and is easily combined
with a belief that a man normally shapes his own destiny. So far
as the story is concerned, the dream helps to set the central theme
in a prominent place and to prepare the way to the crisis and make
it more impressive when it comes. Dreams need not necessarily
be of disaster, though they often are, since their unearthly char-
acter is well suited to the blows of fate or circumstance. The
forecast of coming events invokes both doom and mystery. The
ways of the gods are strange, and it is not for man to understand
them fully, but, if he is wise, he will take the hints given to him,
especially when they come in sleep, when his ordinary powers are
relaxed and he is free to receive messages from another world.
The simplest kind of dream is that which gives a more or less
literal forecast of coming events. So in the Jugoslav Taking of
(izice a Turkish woman, the wife of a great soldier, dreams as she
lies on her soft cushions :
1 Ibid. 196-9.
291
HEROIC POETRY
Strange her dream, and on a strange day dreamed she,
On the Friday, on the Turkish Sunday ;
Dreamed a dream, and in her dream she witnessed
How the radiant sky was clothed in darkness
Suddenly o'er U2ice in Serbia,
Then from end to end was rent asunder ;
All the stars careered to the horizon
And on tl2ice the moon fell blood-stained ;
From the east the lightning sent its flashes,
And they slew the Turks within the city.1
When the husband explains that this means a slaughter of Turks
by Serbs, he does not do anything very clever, since the dream
itself has shown Turks being slain at tJzice, and that gives a clear
enough clue. Immediately after the interpretation, the dream
begins to be fulfilled by the arrival of a Serb army outside tJzice.
The dream has by then done its work, and is no more mentioned.
Its purpose is to create an atmosphere of impending doom, to
set the tone for the story which follows. The capture of tJzice
is presented as a foreordained, inevitable event against which any
action is useless.
With this relatively intelligible dream we may compare another
which is more mysterious. In the Russian Prince Roman the main
theme is a dream and its accomplishment. The situation is set out
at the start :
Once upon a time lived Prince Roman Mitrievich,
He slept with his wife, and she dreamed in the night
That her ring fell from her right hand,
From the ring-finger of her right hand, the middle finger,
And was shattered into tiny fragments.
The prince is troubled by the dream and unable to interpret it ;
so he suggests that it be published abroad that others may find
what it means. But the princess rejects the suggestion, because
she is ready with her own interpretation :
" I myself will judge my dream,
I myself will interpret my dream :
There will speed towards me from over the sea
Three ships, three black ships,
They will carry me, Marya, over the blue sea,
Over the blue salt sea,
To Yagailo, the son of Manuelo." 2
This is what happens, and the princess is right. Why she inter-
prets the dream in this sense remains a mystery. The poet does
1 Morison, p. 115.
2 Kireevski, v, p. 92 ; Chadwick, R.H.P. p. 168.
292
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
not claim to understand it himself and gives no explanation. Here
the sense of doom works with a special force. The victim is not
only warned that something will happen to her but able by some
unexplained process to interpret the enigmatic images in which the
presage comes. The technique used suggests the presence of
incalculable forces which make themselves known by means not
intelligible to ordinary men.
Dreams, then, are useful because they give a sense of destiny.
So, when a poet has enough space at his disposal and wishes to
tell a story which, in his view, illustrates the power of fate, he may
well make use of dreams and even accumulate them to add to his
effect. This is what the Norse poet does in AtlamdL A message
comes from Atli to Gunnar asking him to go to him, and before
a decision is taken, the poet prepares a brooding atmosphere of
dread by his use of dreams. First, Kostbera, wife of Hogni, who
knows from reading a runic message from Guthrun that something
is amiss, dreams three dreams and reports them to her husband.
In the first she sees her bed-covering catch fire and flames bursting
through the walls of her home ; in the second, a bear breaking
pillars, brandishing his claws, and seizing many victims with his
mouth ; in the third, an eagle flying through the house and sprink-
ling its dwellers with blood. To the reader who knows the story
the three dreams are perhaps intelligible enough, in that they
suggest the catastrophe which awaits the sons of Gjuki when they
go to Atli. But Kostbera, who sees that something is wrong,
hardly attempts to interpret them, except in the third case when
she sees that the eagle is Atli's spirit. But her husband will have
nothing of it. He has his own interpretations : in the first dream
he sees no more than a warning that her bed-cover, which is of
little value, will soon be burned ; in the second, he sees a presage
of rough weather :
" Now a storm is brewing, and wild it grows swiftly,
A dream of an ice-bear means a gale from the east " ; x
in the third, he sees only a forecast that oxen will be slaughtered.
He remains obdurately confident and tells his wife :
" True is Atli's heart, whatever thou dreamest." 2
In the circumstances she can do nothing but be silent. In this
set of dreams the poet not only creates a sense of doom but
sketches the helplessness of its victims. Kostbera does not know
what her dreams portend, and Hogni rejects the notion that it is
anything bad.
1 AtlamdL ', 17. 2 Ibid. 19, 3.
293
HEROIC POETRY
These three dreams are followed by four others, dreamed this
time by Glaumvor, the wife of Gunnar. Unlike Kostbera's
dreams, Glaumvor's are almost literal and certainly easy to inter-
pret. In the first she sees a gallows and her husband, still alive,
being bitten by serpents ; in the second, a sword driven through
his body and wolves howling at his head and feet ; in the third,
a river flowing through the hall and breaking over the feet of
Gunnar 's brothers ; in the fourth, dead women come to her in sad
garments and summon Gunnar to them. Here again the audience
will know the answers. Glaumvor dreams of the future when
Gunnar will be put in the serpents' den, his body pierced, his
brothers killed, and his soul fetched by the Norns. On hearing
of these dreams Gunnar is less sceptical than Hogni, or rather
becomes less sceptical as he hears of one dream after another. His
answer to the first is lost ; the second he treats as no more than a
forecast of hunting ; his answer to the third is also lost ; but with
the fourth he seems to be a little shaken. At least he does not
reject it, but simply reaffirms his purpose to go to Atli ; and indeed
foresees that all may not be well :
" Too late is thy speaking, for so is it settled ;
From the faring I turn not, the going is fixed,
Though likely it is that our lives shall be short." J
In the two sets of dreams the poet uses a slightly different method.
In the first they are obscure, and Hogni remains unpersuaded ;
in the second they are relatively clear, and in the end Gunnar
sees that something is wrong. By adopting this double technique
the poet shows his familiarity with the ways in which dreams can
be used in heroic poetry. His purpose is evidently to show both
how inexorable destiny works on the sons of Gjuki and how heroic
they are in facing it when they know it.
Dreams can also be used to start the separate episodes of a
longer poem. Of this an outstanding example is Gilgamish. In
our existing text, which is sadly fragmentary in parts, there are no
less than seven dreams, and in the full text there may well have
been more. All these seven occur before important changes in the
action and make some contribution to them. They are on the
whole easy to interpret, and the heroes have no great doubts
about -them. The first comes before Gilgamish's struggle with
Enkidu. He sees a great figure falling onto him. It is too strong
for him, and he ends by holding it to his breast like a woman.
This, as Gilgamish's mother explains, is the great friend whom he
1 Atlamdl, 26.
294
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
is soon to make after struggling with him. So the friendship with
Enkidu is foreshadowed. He then recounts a second dream in
which an axe falls into Erech, and he presents it to his mother ;
and this too she explains to mean that he will make a great friend.
The second set of dreams come just before the fight with Humbaba,
which is the next great episode after Gilgamish and Enkidu have
made their alliance. The account of the first dream is lost. In the
second Gilgamish sees himself and Enkidu standing on a mountain
peak which begins to topple, and Enkidu knows that this means
that they will conquer Humbaba. In a third dream Gilgamish sees
something more frightening :
The firmament roared, the earth resounded,
The day was black with rising darkness and lightning flashes,
Flames were kindled, and there too was Pestilence
Filled to overflowing, Death was gorged.
The glare faded, the fires faded,
The brands turned to ashes.1
The interpretation is missing, but it must surely have referred to
Humbaba, " whose roar is a whirlwind ", and have portended his
defeat. Lastly, when Enkidu is about to die, he dreams of death
as a man with a dark face and the claws of a lion, who sets on him
and overcomes him ; then he dreams of the underworld in all its
emptiness and drabness. So in each of these three episodes, the
formation of a friendship between Gilgamish and Enkidu, the
attack on Humbaba, and the death of Enkidu, the poet puts dreams
in the forefront of his narrative. By this means he may to some
extent spoil the effect of surprise in what follows, but he achieves
something else no less important. The dreams show the grandeur
of what the heroes do and are an imaginative and illuminating
comment on it.
Roland uses dreams less freely than Gilgamish , but with a good
sense of their dramatic possibilities. They are used on two great
occasions, first after Charlemagne has commanded Roland to
command the rear-guard, the second before his counter-attack on
the Saracens. On each occasion the Emperor dreams two dreams,
and on neither is he disturbed by them to the point of waking.
These dreams are symbolic, but not difficult to interpret. On the
first occasion the first dream presents the traitor Ganelon in his
own person, though his activities are a little unusual :
That Emperour, rich Charles, lies asleep ;
Dreams that he stands in the great pass of Size,
In his two hands his ashen spear he sees ;
1 Gilgamish, v, iii, 15-19.
295 u
HEROIC POETRY
Guenes the count that spear from him doth seize,
Brandishes it and twists it with such ease,
That flown into the sky the flinders seem.1
We need not press the meaning of the spear too far. It is Charle-
magne's chief weapon of defence, and may mean his rear-guard or
Roland or both. It strikes a note of warning against treachery and
danger, and leaves no doubt who the traitor is. The second dream
is more complicated :
And after this another vision saw,
In France, at Aix, in his Chapelle once more,
That his right arm an evil bear did gnaw ;
Out of Ardennes he saw a leopard stalk,
His body dear did savagely assault ;
But then there dashed a harrier from the hall,
Leaping in the air he sped to Charles* call,
By the right ear that felon bear he caught,
And furiously the leopard next he fought.
Of battle great the Franks then seemed to talk,
Yet which might win they knew not, in his thought.2
This belongs to the familiar class of animal-dreams and needs some
elucidation. The Emperor's right arm is Roland, for so he is
called elsewhere.3 The bear and the leopard are the Saracens.
They may even be the king Marsilies and his uncle, the Algalife,
but there is no need to be too precise about this. The harrier is
again Roland, who comes to Charlemagne's defence. This dream
is not so much a warning as a prophecy, and it is characteristic of
Charlemagne that he pays little attention to it. He is used to
danger and does not trouble too much about it in advance.
The second occasion when Charlemagne dreams follows rather
a similar pattern. First comes Saint Gabriel who warns him that
another battle awaits him and leaves him in doubt of its outcome.
After natural portents of thunder and wind have fallen on the
army, wild beasts and monsters feed on the soldiers, whom the
Emperor is unable to help ; then
Out of a wood came a great lion then,
'Twas very proud and fierce and terrible ;
His body dear sought out, and on him leapt,
Each in his arms, wrestling, the other held ;
But he knew not which conquered, nor which fell. *
This dream forecasts accurately what is to come. The great
Pagan army under Baligant is like a tempest and inflicts great
losses on the Christian army. Its leader, Baligant, is like a lion
1 Roland, 718-23. 2 Ibid. 725-35-
3 Ibid. 597. 4 Ibid. 2549-53.
296
DEVICES OF NARRATIVE
whom Charlemagne must subdue. The dream is meant to instil
fear and watchfulness but the Emperor, as is his wont, sleeps on.
It is followed by another which is a little more mysterious :
Him seemed in France, at Aix, on a terrace,
And that he held a bruin by two chains ;
Out of Ardenne saw thirty bears that came,
And each of them words, as a man might, spake :
Said to him : " Sire, give him to us again !
It is not right that he with you remain,
He's of our kin, and we must lend him aid."
A harrier fair ran out of his palace,
Among them all the greatest bear assailed
On the green grass, beyond his friends some way.
There saw the King marvellous give and take ;
But he knew not which fell, nor which o'ercame.1
This dream refers to the traitor Ganelon, who is the chained bear
and is supported by his thirty kinsmen. The most powerful of
these, Pinabel, is challenged by Thierry of Anjou, who is the
harrier. This dream forecasts what is to happen later in the poem,
but leaves both the action and its outcome obscure. It is a warning
to the Emperor about the efforts which will be made later to save
Ganelon from his doom. To the audience, who may not know
exactly what is going to happen, it suggests even more troubles in
store for Charlemagne. The dreams in Roland foretell what is
coming without saying too much about it.
A noteworthy and unusual variant of the dream-motive comes
early in the Iliad. The dream comes from the gods, but Zeus,
who sends it, intends to deceive Agamemnon by it ; for by this
means the Achaeans will lose many men, and Achilles will be asked
to go back to battle with full honours. The dream tells Agamem-
non to order the Achaeans to arm, since now is the time fated for
the capture of Troy. Agamemnon believes the dream, and can
hardly do otherwise, since dreams come from Zeus, but behaves
very peculiarly. He makes a speech in the assembly of chieftains,
in which, in order to test the spirit of his army, he announces that
he has decided to abandon the siege and go home. The result is
panic and confusion, and the situation is saved only by the purpose-
ful wisdom of Odysseus. In this unusual situation Homer puts
the old theme of the dream to an uncommon purpose. Perhaps he
wishes to suggest that since the dream is deceitful and represents
no real will of the gods, it creates unwise ideas in Agamemnon's
mind and leads to a general panic. We may possibly discern
Homer's basic reasons for this remarkable device. He seems to
1 Ibid. 2556-67.
297
HEROIC POETRY
wish in the first place to get his armies into movement after the
quarrel of Achilles and Agamemnon, and for this he needs a scene
of general activity ; and in the second place he is able to show
Agamemnon as the troubled, care- ridden, none too confident
leader that he is. To secure these ends Homer takes the traditional
theme of the dream and gives to it an unexpected turn. Here, as
often elsewhere, he seems to feel that it is not enough to use an old
device in a familiar way : he must see what new surprise he can
create through it. So he starts with the unusual conception of a
deceitful dream and proceeds to a scene of confusion and dismay.
In any case he succeeds in creating a situation in which the
Achaean army is marshalled and the main first movement of the
Iliad is set going. If the Odyssey begins with the familiar theme of
someone arriving with news, the start of the Iliad owes something
to the theme of a dream, even though it is unlike most other dreams
and has a special complication.
298
VIII
SOME PECULIARITIES OF COMPOSITION
HEROIC poetry has in the past been misunderstood and misjudged
because it works by rules different from those which apply to
poets who write books. ["Much of the " Higher Criticism " of the
Homeric poems, Beowulf, and Roland suffers from the serious
defect that its standards belong to a reading, not to a listening,
public and that it takes no account of the special circumstances of
oral composition^ For instance, when the Abbe d'Aubignac wrote
his Conjectures academiques in 1664 and argued that the Iliad and
Odyssey were a number of independent songs collected by
Lycurgus at Sparta in the eighth century B.C.,1 he was guided
primarily by the literary ideals of France in his time and failed to
see that Homer did not share them. Again, wrhen F. A. Wolf
attacked the unity of Homer in his Prolegomena in 1795, he based
part of his argument on the assumption that writing did not exist
in Homer's time and that without it no poet could have composed
poems so long as the Iliad and the Odyssey. This, as we now know,
is a fallacy, and Wolf's main arguments are outmoded. But his
spirit survives, even to-day, when the nature of oral composition
has been carefully studied, and some scholars continue to criticise
heroic poetry as if it were composed in the same way as a modern
novel. This is to approach a complex subject with unwarranted
presuppositions and leads almost always to error.C Since oral poets
compose in special conditions, their work shows special character-
istics, and examination of these will help not only to remove current
misconceptions but to show the difficulties in which these poems
are composedj
^The conditions of oral performance may mean that sooner or
later a poet contradicts himself or muddles something in his
narrative. There are few heroic poems in which some such
contradiction cannot be found. The poet so concentrates on his
immediate task that he may not remember all that has gone before
or foresee all that will come later. The chances are that any such
slip will be of little importance, since, if the poet does not notice
1 Cf. J. B. Bury, C.A.H. ii, p. 502.
299
HEROIC POETRY
it, it is not likely that his audience will notice it either. But when
his poem is written down and subjected to the sharp eyes of critical
scholars, what was originally a trivial slip may be regarded as a
grave error and made a foundation for bold theories of multiple
authorship. We must remember that most heroic poems are
composed for one performance only and that the audience has
no written text before it. It cannot turn pages back to see if what
comes later agrees with what has come before, and it is not likely
to subject a poem to minute criticism. Since it follows a tale with
its ears and has to keep its attention on the sequence of events told
by the bard, it has no time to ask inconvenient questions. It is
interested in the main elements of a tale and the way in which
they are treated. The poet therefore is not much concerned to
make everything consistent and may well fall into what we may
regard as serious faults.
One source of such contradictions seems to be the existence
of formulae which the poet uses whenever they suit his purpose.
In his attachment to them he may not see that sometimes they
betray him into saying what he might otherwise have avoided.
For instance, the Iliad is guilty of one famous contradiction. At
one place Pylaemenes, king of the Paphlagonians, is killed by
Menelaus, and at another he is alive at the funeral of his son. It
is true that Pylaemenes is a quite unimportant person and that
slips equally grave or equally trivial may be found in poets so
careful as Virgil and Dante. But in this case we may surmise
what the cause of the slip was. When Pylaemenes is killed, Homer
knows what he is doing and gives four lines to it :
Then did they find in the field Pylaemenes, tireless in battle,
The Paphlagonian people he ruled, a spear-man high-hearted.
Unto him Atreus' son, Menelaus, famed with the spear-shaft,
Went as he stood in his place and struck with a spear on the collar.1
Much later in the poem Pylaemenes' son, Harpalion, is killed by
Meriones. His companions carry him off on a shield to Troy :
And with them went also his father, lamenting,
Yet did he not receive any recompense for his dead son.2
This is beyond dispute a mistake, but we can account for it. The
lines in which the father laments and follows the corpse are
probably traditional and formulaic. Pylaemenes is not mentioned
by name in them, and Homer, in employing a familiar form of
words, has for the moment forgotten its full implications.
1 //. v, 576-9. 2 Ibid, xiii, 658-9.
300
SOME PECULIARITIES OF COMPOSITION
(j\ similar mistake may be found in Beowulf, where the poet
seems to be in some doubt about the sex of Grendel's Dam.
She is normally feminine, but in three places she seems to be
masculine :
He who in dread waters his dwelling must keep (1260)
I swear to you this, that he shall not escape me (1392)
Nor on ocean ground, go where he will (1394).
This inconsistency has not escaped the critics, who have suggested
that they either reflect an earlier version of the story, in which
Beowulf kills Grendel in the cave, or are transferred from the
fight with him to the fight with the Dam. There is an easier
solution than either of these. It is that the poet operates with
formulaic phrases which do not quite fit his subject. If the first
case concerns monsters, the others need not necessarily do so, and
it looks as if the poet, employing a traditional means, failed to see
that it was not entirely appropriate here. There are other examples
of such misfits in Beowulf.1 They would hardly trouble an
audience used to formulaic poetry and not very interested in the
precise sex of a monster. ]
Formulae may account for some contradictions, but they do
not account for all. Some are quite clearly due to slips of memory.
With no written text to help him the poet may well falter and
not notice it, particularly if it does not really affect the main
course of his narrative. Homer is sometimes guilty of this.
Though most of the accusations against him have been disproved,
there are one or two cases where he errs on the side of vagueness,
if not of contradiction. For instance, in the Odyssey, when
Odysseus is transformed into a beggar by Athene, she destroys
the " brown hair " on his head : z later, when she restores him,
he has a blue-black beard.3 Of course a hero like Odysseus may
well combine brown hair with a blue-black beard, but one cannot
help wondering whether Homer really gave thought to the
matter and did not slightly change his conception of Odysseus'
appearance. Less excusable is the treatment of the gods in Book I
of the Iliad. Athene comes down to see Achilles 4 and soon
afterwards goes back to Olympus to the other gods,5 though a
little later we hear that they have all gone to the land of the
Ethiopians for twelve days.6 This does not matter, but it is an
undeniable slip. Something of the same kind may be seen in
Roland. Before Roland dies he takes his famous oliphant and
1 E.g. 1344, 1379, 1887, 2421, 2685. 2 Od. xiii, 431.
3 Ibid, xvi, 176. 4 //. i, 194. 5 Ibid. 221. 6 Ibid. 424 ff.
3OI
HEROIC POETRY
breaks it on the head of a pagan who is trying to kill him. He is
glad to kill the enemy, but sorry to smash his oliphant :
" But my great one, my olifant I broke ;
Fallen from it the crystal and the gold." l
Later, after Roland's death, the oliphant is found by Charles near
his body and entrusted to Guineman. So far there is no contradic-
tion, but, when the battle against Baligant's army takes place, the
horn seems to be whole and sound and able to do its old work ;
for it is blown, and sounds louder than all the other horns :
Above them all boomed the olifant again,2
And the olifant sounds over all its knell. 3
If the oliphant is really broken, as we have been led to think, this
after-life is impossible. The point is of no importance, but there
it is.
The real reason why oral poets make slips like these is that
their conditions of performance force them to concentrate on one
thing at a time. They must at all costs make themselves clear to
their audiences and cannot encumber their poems with too many
details. If they do, they lose attention through putting too great
a strain on it. The result is that in concentrating on a given scene
they may neglect or forget something which precedes it. This may
not be important and indeed seldom is, but it is not what we would
expect from a modern novelist or a writer of " literary " epic.
Each separate scene tends to develop its own character and to have
its own fullness. It is therefore not surprising that it may some-
times cause contradictions in the main narrative. When Har-
palion is killed, the poet feels that he must make someone mourn
for him ; for without that his death is incomplete and lacks
pathos. Tradition supplies the mourner in the dead youth's
father, and a contradiction arises. When Charlemagne orders
horns to be blown, it is obviously right that among them should
be the famous oliphant of Roland, and it is mentioned, even at the
cost of contradicting what has been said before. On an ordinary
reading such contradictions are hardly noticeable, but, when they
are noticed, they may cause uneasiness. But that is because we
are accustomed to reading poems instead of listening to them.
This condition explains some peculiarities of heroic poetry,
and especially its tendency to omit much that we might expect to
be mentioned. The oral poet does not tidy up his loose ends
but leaves them as soon as they have served their purpose, with
1 Roland, 2295-6. 2 Ibid. 3119. 3 Ibid. 3302.
302
SOME PECULIARITIES OF COMPOSITION
the result that we may feel that he neglects minor details in his
story. This kind of omission takes different forms. First, a
character may be introduced and play a part of some importance,
only to disappear without anything being said about it. For
instance, in the Norse Atlakvitha the action is set in motion by
the arrival at Gunnar's court of Atli's messenger and agent,
Knefroth. His part is important, since he has to persuade Gunnar
to come on a visit to Atli, and there are good reasons why Gunnar
should not go. Knefroth presents his case skilfully, and succeeds
in his task :
And Knefroth spake loudly, his words were crafty,
The hero from the south, on the high bench sitting.1
But once Knefroth has had his say, no more is heard about him.
He has played his part, and the poet turns to the next item on his
programme, the speeches which Gunnar and Hogni and their wives
make about the expedition. In this he has no need of Knefroth,
and any mention of him might interfere with the direct and forceful
presentation of a leading theme. Again, in Roland the Saracen,
Blancandrin, plays a very important part. He urges King Marsilies
to feign submission to Charles (24 ff.), is the chief of the embassy
which comes with a false offer of surrender (68), addresses Charles
(122 ff.), rides off with Ganelon and plots Roland's death with him
(414), and conducts the tricky negotiations between Ganelon and
Marsile, when it looks as if Ganelon has overplayed his part and
is likely to be killed by the Saracens (506-11). But after this he
disappears, and nothing at all is said of him. Though he is an
important figure in the Saracen army, " very wise " and " a
gallant knight ", he takes no part in any of the battles or of the
events which follow them. Once the poet has used him for a
special purpose, he dismisses him without a word and moves on to
another topic in which Blancandrin's services are no longer
needed. Homer does something of the same kind in the Iliad
with Thersites. When Agamemnon unwisely calls an assembly
and says that he intends to give up the siege of Troy, he excites
dismay and panic, and the first to speak is Thersites, a man of no
lineage and no account, on whose ugly appearance Homer dwells
with some relish. He reviles Agamemnon and is punished for it by
Odysseus who, after saying what he thinks of him, strikes him on
the back and shoulders with a sceptre and leaves a great weal
on them. He sits down humiliated, and the crowd applauds the
action.2 That is the end of him. We are not even told that he
1 Atlakvitha, 2, 3-4. 2 //. ii, 211 ff.
303
HEROIC POETRY
leaves the assembly. It is enough that he has played his part and
is needed no longer. Immediately afterwards Homer turns to a
different theme.
If important characters can be dismissed in this perfunctory
way, we need not be surprised if actions which have some import-
ance at one stage of a story are later forgotten or neglected. Homer
understands how to do this. He seldom stresses a small point
beyond its immediate usefulness. For instance, Achilles lays down
his spear, but fifty lines later has it in his hand,1 though we are not
told that he has picked it up. Poseidon arrives at the battlefield
in a chariot drawn by horses with golden manes, and shackles them
with golden shackles.2 When he leaves the field, nothing is said
of either horses or chariot.3 Zeus watches the battle from Mount
Ida,4 but soon after is back on Olympus without our being told
that he has gone there.5 These are not errors of memory but a
necessary economy in an art which treats of one thing at a time.
To elaborate all the implications of such themes would be to over-
burden the narrative. So Homer lets well alone and leaves us to
fill in the gaps if we wish to. The same thing can be seen in
Roland in the case of the hostages which Charles demands from
the Saracens and duly receives. The poet pays some attention to
them. Blancandrin suggests that they should be sent :
" Send hostages, should he demand surety,
Ten or a score, our loyal oath to bind." 6
In due course they arrive, accompanied by Ganelon, who presents
them to the Emperor :
" Tribute I bring you, very great and rare,
And twenty men ; look after them with care." 7
But once the hostages are delivered, nothing more is heard of them.
Although they are a surety for the good behaviour of the Saracens,
and should be killed when the Saracens break their word, the poet
does not mention them. He has more interesting and more
important matters in hand, and the hostages can be forgotten.
So too in Beowulf, Hrothgar's queen, Wealhtheow, comes to the
feast in honour of Beowulf, pledges his health, and makes a speech
in his honour.8 But once she has done her duty, no more is said
about her, and we are not told that she leaves the hall, but have to
infer it later when Hrothgar goes to join her :
1 //. xxi, 17 and 67. z Ibid, xiii, 23. 3 Ibid, xiv, 293.
4 Ibid. 157. 5 Ibid, xvi, 431. 6 Roland, 40-41.
7 Ibid. 678-9. 8 Beowulf, 614 ff.
304
SOME PECULIARITIES OF COMPOSITION
He would the War- Chief, Wealhtheow, seek,
A Queen for his couch.1
Similarly, the sword Hrunting, which belongs to Unferth, has
some importance in the fight with Grendel's Dam. Unferth lends
it to Beowulf, and the poet describes it at length.2 Later, when
Beowulf sets out for home, Unferth offers him the sword as a
gift,3 though no word has been said about it having returned
meanwhile to Unferth's possession. These details do not matter.
The important thing is to focus attention on the main events, and
this is done by an adroit art of omissionTj
Omission is practised with some skill by Homer when the
personal relations of his characters seem likely to interfere with
the development of the story. He is too good a poet to neglect
the poetical possibilities of such relations, but he so places their
great moments that they attract attention before the plot really
demands them. For instance, the wonderful scene between
Hector and Andromache on the walls of Troy has in it much of a
last scene between husband and wife.4 After it we feel that they
may never meet again and that they have said their final words
to one another. But in fact the plot of the Iliad suggests that they
do meet again. For soon afterwards all the Trojan heroes go back
to Troy, and we must assume that Hector is among them.5 But
Homer has placed his scene between Hector and Andromache in
conditions which allow nothing to interfere with it, and he is not
going to spoil it later by any anti-climax or make it subordinate to
some other theme. So, too, when Odysseus leaves Calypso on her
remote island, Homer presents a charming scene of farewell
between them, when Calypso, with a forbearance not always to be
found in goddesses, wishes him good speed in his departure,
though she feels that she is in no way inferior to the wife whom he
longs to see. He accepts what she says but insists that he must go.6
This is the last scene between them in the Odyssey, but we may
infer that it is not the last occasion when they see one another.
For after it Odysseus spends four days building his boat and
Calypso helps him by providing sails and food. Homer wishes to
deal with one theme at a time, and the farewell must be done with
before the boat-building is begun. The farewell comes first,
because the boat-building prepares the way to Odysseus' voyage
and is a necessary, immediate preliminary to it. A similar tech-
nique is used with Nausicaa. In the first hours of Odysseus'
arrival on Phaeacia she plays a leading part. She saves his life,
1 Ibid. 664-5. * Ibid. 1455 ff. 3 Ibid. 1807 ff.
4 //. vi, 390 ff. 5 Ibid, vii, 477. ft Od. v, 202 ff.
3°5
HEROIC POETRY
gives him food and drink and clothing, and brings him to her
parents' palace. Then she disappears, except for one short and
charming moment when Odysseus meets her on the threshold when
he is coming from the bath.1 She reminds him of what she has
done for him, and he thanks her for it. That is all. He has still
much before him in Phaeacia, but she is not mentioned again.
Attention is now turned to Odysseus' relations with the king and
queen, his recital of his adventures, and his preparations to return
home. In each of these cases Homer uses the same technique and
justifies it abundantly.
Oral composition creates special problems for the presentation
of character and motives. The poet addresses an audience of
simple people who may well appreciate the salient points of a
personality but must not be expected to understand any com-
plicated psychology. Even if the poet himself has considerable
insight into character and understands mixed motives, he will
hardly carry his audience with him. Nor would the conditions of
performance allow any great elaboration, even if he wished to
practise it. Just as oral composition insists that one event at a
time is sufficient and that irrelevant or unnecessary additions must
be avoided, so in the presentation of character it seems to insist
that one mood or motive is enough at a time and that to attempt
more is to blur the clarity which is indispensable to success. This
may be a limitation on the presentation of character, but it has at
least the advantage that many heroic persons have a simplicity
which is delightfully real and convincing, even if it is not very
subtle. Odysseus and Gilgamish, Roland and Alaman Bet, are
not complicated like the characters of a modern novel, but they
have their own rich kind of being and act in accordance with their
own inner necessities. On the whole the characters of heroic
poetry are of this kind, but there are places where the convolutions
of the story demand a greater complexity of character, and then
the poet has to evolve his own technique of adapting his needs to
the conditions of composition.
The poet solves this problem by presenting not a complex
situation in a hero's soul at a given moment but a series of psy-
chological states which may look inconsistent, as they appear in
succession, but are actually consistent enough if we see that this
is a way of treating what is really a single problem. A good
example of this may be found in Roland. The treachery of
Ganelon is fundamental to the whole poem, and the poet knows
how important it is. He also knows that it is not at all simple or
1 Od. viii, 456 ff.
306
SOME PECULIARITIES OF COMPOSITION
obvious. A distinguished warrior like Ganelon does not become
a traitor without some powerful motive, and such a motive may
itself be complex. The poet has clearly given thought to this
question and found his solution for it, but he proceeds according
to the demands of oral composition and sets out his scheme in a
series of statements which may look contradictory to those who
are not used to this art. The treacherous plan begins in Ganelon's
mind when Roland suggests that he, Ganelon, should be sent on
a dangerous mission to the Saracens. Ganelon is enraged by the
suggestion and bursts into a furious outburst :
" Fool, wherefore art so wrathful ?
All men know well that I am thy good-father ;
Thou hast decreed, to Marsiliun I travel.
Then if God grant that I return hereafter,
PU follow thee with such a force of passion
That will endure so long as life may last thee." l
Here Ganelon's anger turns on a point of honour. He is perfectly
willing to be sent by the Emperor on this mission, as his subsequent
words make clear, but he cannot endure that Roland should
suggest that he should go, since this implies that he would not
volunteer of his own accord. This behaviour is quite in accord
with heroic rules of honour, and the poet presents it with some
care. In his anger Ganelon almost betrays his purpose when he
says
" There I will work a little trickery,
This mighty wrath of mine I'll thus let free.*' 2
This is the first stage in Ganelon's career of treachery. His pride
has been wounded, and he decides to avenge it on Roland who has
humiliated him before the Emperor and his peers.
Behind this, however, lies something else. As the poem
advances, it is revealed that Ganelon has long hated Roland
because of his pride and presumption. This becomes clear when
Ganelon rides off with Blancandrin and begins to plot Roland's
destruction. He argues that peace is impossible so long as Roland
lives, and says that his pride will in the end destroy him :
" His cruel pride must shortly him confound,
Each day t'wards death he goes a little down,
When he be slain, shall peace once more abound." 3
Even before he proposes his plot to Marsilies and is still acting as
Charles' ambassador and repeating what he has be'en told to say,
Ganelon cannot but let slip a word of abuse of Roland for his
1 Roland, 286-91. 2 Ibid. 300-301. 3 Ibid. 389-91.
3°7
HEROIC POETRY
pride, when he tells of the proposed division of Spain which the
Emperor offers :
" One half of Spain he'll render as your fief,
The rest Rollanz, his nephew, shall receive,
Proud parcener in him you'll have indeed." l
Much later, when Ganelon faces condemnation for treason, he
repeats this view of Roland and advances it as a reason for his
treachery :
" Hatred of me had Rollant, his nephew ;
So he decreed death for me and dolour." 2
Ganelon holds to the last his view that Roland wished to destroy
him by sending him on the mission to Marsilies.
A third element in the portrayal of Ganelon is the poet's
suggestion that he is avaricious and takes bribes from the enemy.
The gifts which he receives are enumerated at some length, and,
as he receives each, Ganelon suggests that he is party to a bargain,
which he seals by some such words as " So be it, as you com-
mand " or " It shall be done ". Much later the same theme is
taken up when Ganelon gives as a reason for disliking Roland his
tendency to take too great a share of spoil :
" He did from me much gold and wealth forfeit,
Whence to destroy and slay him did I seek." 3
This completes the poet's conception of Ganelon's psychology,
and in the final picture the different elements cohere without
difficulty. He has always hated Roland, partly because in his
avarice he thinks that Roland deprives him of his just profits,
partly because Roland has always been overbearing with him.
This old hatred reaches a climax when Roland suggests that
Ganelon should go on the embassy. Ganelon then feels that
Roland wishes to have him killed and is furious that he should be
made to look like a coward. The poet sees Ganelon's character
and motives quite clearly, but presents them piecemeal as his
narrative demands.
\JThe poet of Beowulf attempts a more complex piece of psy-
chology when he portrays Unferth, whose name means " mar
peace ", and whose history does not dispose us to like him, since
he has killed his brother 4 and is, according to Beowulf, destined
to receive his punishment in Hell.5 On his first appearance he
makes an unfavourable impression, when he questions Beowulf
about his swimming-match with Breca and suggests that, since
1 Roland, 472-4. 2 Ibid. 3771-2. 3 Ibid. 3758-9.
* Beowulf, 587 ff., 1167 ff. 5 Ibid. 588 ff.
308
SOME PECULIARITIES OF COMPOSITION
Beowulf lost in it, he is not likely to do better in his encounter with
Grendel. His words justify the poet's description of him as the
most envious of men.1 Beowulf answers him, but the poet omits
to tell us how this answer affects Unferth, thus leaving us in the
dark about his future development. The picture so presented is of
an aristocratic Thersites, or even of the wicked counsellor who
sows discord and envy in an honourable and courteous court.
But later the poet corrects this. When Beowulf prepares to
assault GrendeFs Dam, Unferth hands him the sword Hrunting,
and the poet explains how this change of mind has come :
Indeed he recalled not, Ecglaf 's kinsman
Strong in might, what he had spoken before,
With wine drunken, when that weapon he lent
To a better swordsman ; himself, he durst not
Under the rush of the waves risk his life,
Act with lordship ; lost he thereby glory,
An excellent fame.2
Unferth, who at first sight seemed the incarnation of envy, is now
seen to be a not very brave man, who becomes braver in his cups,
but is still capable of a generous action. In him the poet attempts
something difficult and has to advance by bold steps which may
create uneasiness. But he could hardly do otherwise. His tech-
nique demands that a man should be presented in emphatic, hard
lines, and if he is at all complicated, his qualities must be revealed
in turn until a complete picture of him emerges. 1\
In the extended scale of a large epic the presentation of
character presents greater difficulties and may lead to greater
misunderstanding, as with Achilles in the Iliad. The plot of the
Iliad turns, as the poet says at the outset, on the wrath of Achilles,
and Book I tells how this began. Agamemnon insists upon taking
from Achilles the captive girl Briseis, and Achilles resents this as
an affront to his pride. At first he wishes to kill Agamemnon, but
is prevented from doing so by the intervention of Athene. He
retires to his tent and asks his mother, the goddess Thetis, to help
him. He has now formed his plan. He has yielded Briseis to
Agamemnon, but cherishes a bitter resentment, and his consolation
now is the hope that he will see Agamemnon and the other
Achaean chieftains humiliated by defeat when he is absent from
battle. He believes, correctly enough, that in his absence the
Trojans will prevail and the Achaeans do little against them. In
this his injured pride hopes to find satisfaction and revenge. His
plan is quite explicit. Thetis is to ask Zeus
1 Ibid. 501 ff. 2 Ibid. 1465-71.
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HEROIC POETRY
If he be willing to grant his succour unto the Trojans,
And to defeat the Achaeans among their ships at the sea-shore,
Slaying them so that they learn what boons their king has bestowed
them ;
And Agamemnon, who rules far and wide, son of Atreus, may also
Know of his doom, that he failed to honour the best of Achaeans.1
This is a perfectly clear scheme, and the Iliad begins with it. Just
as Ganelon, in his sense of injury against Roland, plots his destruc-
tion and his army's, so Achilles plots the defeat of Agamemnon
and his army that he himself may be missed and so honoured.
To this his injured pride drives him.
Achilles' plan works. Before long he is so sorely needed that
Agamemnon and tne other leaders decide to make amends to
him in the hope that he will return to the battlefield. Agamemnon
is prepared to humble himself, and his offers of amends are on a
royal scale. But Achilles rejects them categorically. In present-
ing this the poet may seem to make Achilles' behaviour inconsistent
with his original motives of wrath and injured pride. He now
asserts that a man's life is worth more than any riches and urges
the Achaeans to go away and think of some other plan. Now this
point of view is not inconsistent with Achilles' first outburst of
wrath against Agamemnon. He has had time to think about his
grievances and formed a general theory about them. This is true
to his character and to life, but Homer does not show how Achilles
has passed from his first wild wrath to a meditative and determined
melancholy. The lack of intervening links is due to the conditions
of oral recitation. All the poetry must be given to the present
situation, in which Achilles rejects the offers of Agamemnon. To
make the rejection effective Homer puts Achilles in this grave
mood and gives him an abundance of high poetry. When it comes
to this scene, the audience will have forgotten, more or less, about
the original wrath and be interested mainly in what Achilles now
feels and says. This Homer presents with great imagination and
power. It is not inconsistent with what has preceded it, and is
indeed a subtle development of it, but we must supply for our-
selves the steps in the process which has led from the one stage to
the other.
The third stage in Achilles' story is after his rejection of the
embassy. He watches the battle and knows that the Achaeans are
suffering humiliation and defeat according to his plan. Then he
says to Patroclus some words which have caused much trouble to
the commentators :
1 //. i, 408-12.
SOME PECULIARITIES OF COMPOSITION
" Now, as I think, the Achaeans will stand by my knees in petition.
On them cometh a need they cannot endure any longer. " l
This is Achilles' hour of triumph, and in it he speaks as if he had
not recently received an embassy asking for his help. The
contradiction is perhaps more apparent than real. When the
embassy came, there was still hope of an Achaean recovery, as
Diomedes said at the time ; now the situation is desperate. Then
the proposals made were handsome but not abject, but this is what
Achilles now expects. The later words can in fact be squared
with the earlier occasion, though we may still feel that they are
awkward. So indeed they are, if we forget the conditions of oral
composition. But since the poet concentrates on the present
moment and makes everything of it, he does not refer, even by
implication, to the earlier occasion, but thinks only of the present
crisis. In consequence, he uses a theme which is perfectly to the
point and causes trouble only when we connect it too closely
with what has happened before. Since his audience is not likely
to do that, there is no real trouble. In these three scenes Homer
develops Achilles' character from his first outbreak of wrath
through his deeper thoughts on life and death to the moment
when his plan seems successful and his triumph complete.
Another result of the poet's concentration on his immediate
task is that he may neglect chronology at the expense of coherence.
For instance, Homer places the events of his Iliad in the tenth
and last year of the siege of Troy. This he says more than once,2
and it is important to his main plan. The crisis of the Iliad is the
death of Hector, and, when he is dead, Troy is ready for capture.
But though this is the main plan, there are certain episodes which
do not fit easily into it and have made scholars suggest that Homer
at times follows a tradition which made the Trojan War last for
only a few months. Certainly in the first books of the Iliad there
are episodes which would be more suited to the beginning of a war
than to its tenth year. When Homer gives a catalogue of the
Achaean forces as they gathered at Aulis before setting out for
Troy, he goes back to the beginning of the war. When Helen
points out to Priam from the walls of Troy the chief Achaean
leaders, she does what would be probable in the first year of the
war, but is hardly probable in the tenth. When Menelaus fights
Paris in single combat, they do what the two nen most concerned
with the origin of the war might well have doru at its start but can
hardly have left until near its end, especially as both sides agree to
1 //. xi, 609-10.
2 Ibid, ii, 134, 295, 328 ff. ; xii, 15 ; xxiv, 765.
311 x
HEROIC POETRY
end the war according to the result of this duel. On these occasions
we undoubtedly feel that the tenth year of the war is an odd time
for such events to happen and wonder why Homer has arranged
things in this way.
In answer to these doubts we may in the first place note that,
though Homer says at least five times that the war has lasted for
ten years, he does this only when its long duration is relevant to
some immediate point in the story. In Book II, for instance, it
is relevant, since it is part of Agamemnon's plan to test the morale
of the army to say that the war has lasted too long. In Book XII
it is relevant to the great dyke which the Achaeans build to protect
their ships and which lasts till the end of the war. In Book XXIV
it is relevant to Helen's complaint that she has been away a long
time from her home and her family. The ten years' duration of the
war is known to Homer and used by him when he can make a
special point with it. It is, as it were, at the back of his mind and
comes to the front when occasions arise which are connected with
it. Then he mentions it in order that he may drive some point
home. But this does not mean that he is always thinking of it or
always feels a need to stress it. On the contrary, with that lack of
interest in chronology which seems to be natural to the oral poet's
outlook, he sometimes disregards it completely, and we can see
what he gains by doing so.
Homer's poem is an Iliad, a poem on the siege of Troy, but his
sense of craftsmanship forbids him to treat it episodically as a
mere chronicle. He takes instead a crisis and builds episodes
round it. None the less he wishes to keep to his theme of the
siege, if only to provide a wide stage for his main characters. He
has thus to deal with two large armies, each containing a number
of famous heroes. He cannot take it for granted that his audience
will know what heroes are fighting on each side, or what their titles
and histories and kingdoms are. So to make his position clear he
includes in his poem a Catalogue of the Achaean forces as they
gathered at Aulis before sailing to Troy and another, shorter
Catalogue of their Tro j an opponents. The first of these Catalogues
is chronologically out of place, since it portrays a state of affairs
ten years earlier than the main events of the Iliad and is not even
placed at Troy. Nor is it entirely in harmony with the rest of the
poem. In its enumeration of the Achaean kingdoms it mentions
several heroes who have little or no part in the main text, while
others are already dead before the plot opens. Nor does its
account of their relative importance, judged by the size of their
domains and the number of their ships, correspond with that of the
312
SOME PECULIARITIES OF COMPOSITION
rest of the poem. Odysseus, for instance, is of little account in the
Catalogue, but of great account in the main poem. Homer treats
this historical document as it deserves. It gives his credentials,
but, after presenting it, he can go his own way, not indeed in
defiance of it, but certainly not worrying too much about it. It
helps to justify him in making his poem an Iliad and shows the
world in which his events are set. It does not matter that it
belongs to an earlier date than the last year of the siege of Troy or
that much of its information is irrelevant to the story. It is useful
where it comes, since it sets the stage and gives the necessary
information on the army-lists of the opposing forces in the Trojan
War.
A little later Homer makes Helen and Priam watch the Achaean
forces from the wall of Troy, and in answer to Priam's questions
Helen identifies Agamemnon, Odysseus, and Ajax. It does not
matter that Priam has had nearly ten years to learn who they are.
For the moment we forget that it is the tenth year of war, and are
interested to make the acquaintance of the chief Achaean leaders
and to know what they look like. The heroes whom Helen describes
in their physical appearance and in some of their habits are going
to play a large part, and there is undeniably an advantage in having
them presented in this vivid way. No doubt any poem on the
Trojan War would have some such means of identification, and
Homer was right in not allowing his theme of the tenth year to
prevent him from using this useful device. So too with the duel
between Paris and Menelaus. The appropriate time for this was
certainly before the general slaughter began at the start, when it
would have saved much trouble to have the issue settled by the
two men for whom the war was fought. This duel may well have
been a traditional element in the story of Troy and is anyhow a
good theme, since it brings the two heroes face to face. The fact
that it fails to produce any decisive result makes it easier to intro-
duce it into a late stage of the war, and there is nothing wrong in
Homer's use of it. But of course when the original audiences
heard of it, they would hardly trouble about the time of its
occurrence but accept it as an episode which is exciting for its
own sake.
Time presents another difficulty to the oral poet. He has no
easy way to depict contemporaneous actions. In a book this
presents no difficulty, but the oral poet, with his concentration on
one thing at a time, has no ready means to suggest that something
else happens somewhere else at a given time. His method is to
neglect the difficulty and present as happening in sequence events
3*3
HEROIC POETRY
which really happen simultaneously. This is what the poet of
Roland does in the battle of Roncesvalles. We are presented with
a series of small encounters which might suggest to a prosaic mind
that when Roland is fighting a Saracen, Oliver, Turpin, and the
rest do nothing. Of course the poet does not mean this, but he
has no available means to depict actions occurring at the same time.
Homer is clearly troubled by the same difficulty in the fighting-
scenes of the Iliad. At one point he says that the fighting went on
While the morning endured and the holy day was still waxing,1
and suggests that it is getting towards noon. Then much later he
says that the fighting went on
White the sun in its march bestrode the centre of heaven.2
Between the two there can at the best be only a few hours, but an
enormous lot of fighting has taken place. Various warriors have
gone out, done their best, and retired. The audience, hearing
perhaps the poem piecemeal, will not be much troubled by the
lack of precise indications of time, and Homer's only way to convey
many contemporaneous actions is to set them out in a series. At
the beginning of the Odyssey he is faced by a graver problem. He
has two main themes which he develops separately at some length ;
first, Telemachus' situation in Ithaca and his voyage in search of
news, then Odysseus' departure from Ogygia. He begins the first
with a council in heaven which sends Athene to Ithaca, where she
gets things moving. This carries on the story for four books, but
then Odysseus too has to be started. The subject has been
broached at the first council, but some of the audience may not
have heard this, and others may have forgotten its details. So
Homer tells of it again. This second council is really the same as
the first, but this time it leads not to the arrival of Athene in
Ithaca but the arrival of Hermes in Ogygia with orders to Calypso
to send Odysseus away. The technique is primitive, and other
poets do not use it, but we can see that for Homer, who had to
keep each section of his story clear and coherent, it was a useful
device.
In addition to the special difficulties caused by oral composition
the heroic poet has to face others arising from the nature of his
material. This material is for the most part traditional. He learns
the outlines of stories when he learns his formulae and devices,
and to them on the whole he adheres. He may of course some-
1 //. xi, 84. 2 Ibid, xvi, 777.
3H
SOME PECULIARITIES OF COMPOSITION
times invent a new story, but his audience will normally expect
him to tell familiar tales, even if he gives them his own individual
stamp. He is free to invent details within a given frame and even
to alter quite important elements in the plot. In composition he
draws upon the traditional stories and tells them in his own way.
This too has its perils. Since the stories are both traditional and
changeable, he may fail to make all his points clear or to make the
most of a dramatic opportunity. Since he probably knows several
variant versions of any single story, he may confuse them and
produce something which is neither very clear nor very dramatic.
Of course good poets know this danger and usually surmount it,
but others, who are less confident or less gifted, may fall into it
and produce something indecisive or muddled. This is hardly
true of those poets whose poems were written down long ago, but
it is applicable to existing bards whose oral performances have
been recorded in recent years, and through their occasional
failures we can see what difficulties faced Homer and the poets of
Roland and Beowulf. R
An experienced bard, who knows his stones well and has told
them many times, may suffer from over-confidence and careless-
ness about details. He may do his work so easily and so mechanic-
ally that he preserves certain points without fully understanding
their significance or making it plain. For instance, a famous
Russian bard called " the Bottle " tells the story of Staver's wife,
who seeks to rescue her husband by disguising herself as a man and
coming to Vladimir's court. Vladimir and his womenfolk are a
little suspicious of her and all too ready to examine any evidence
she may provide of her sex. One of the tests turns on her going to
bed, and the imprint she leaves on the bedding. " The Bottle "
tells of this in a muddled way. The alleged man, for no obvious
reason, acts as follows :
When he entered the warm bed
And lay down on the wooden bedstead,
He laid his head where his feet should be
And laid his feet on the pillow.
When Vladimir of royal Kiev arrived
And looked into the warm bed,
There are the broad heroic shoulders.1
To understand the full import of this manoeuvre and its effect on
Vladimir we must look at another version, in which Vladimir
promises his daughter to make the test in words which leave no
obscurity :
1 Rybnikov, i, p. zoy ; Chadwick, R.H.P. p. 128.
315
HEROIC POETRY
" We will ensconce him in the royal feather bed.
If he is a man, there will be a little hollow where his shoulders have
pressed,
But if a woman, it will be under the hips." 1
Staver's wife foresees this difficulty and surmounts it by lying
with her feet on the pillow. " The Bottle ", whether from
forgetfulness or carelessness, has left the point obscure.
Another Russian bard, Fedotov, makes similar slips in his
delightful account of Vasili Buslaev. Vasili is a bumptious
playboy, whose exuberant spirits take the form of attacking his
fellow townsmen and causing much trouble and annoyance. His
mother does her best to bring him to reason, but her first efforts
meet with humiliating failure, and in dealing with these Fedotov
shows an uncertain touch. After trying in vain to persuade the
citizens of Novgorod to accept gifts in amends from Vasili, she
behaves in what looks like an inexplicable way :
Then the honourable widow Amelfa Timoferovna
Turned away from the honourable feast,
And kicked with her right foot
That cudgel of maple-wood —
And the cudgel flew away behind the fence,
Behind the fence, scattering everything in its course.
Vasili slept till dawn and took his ease,
Unconscious of the misfortunes which had befallen him.2
To understand this we must look at other versions of the story,
in which we find that Vasili's mother has hidden his club, given
him a sleeping potion and locked him up. Later in the poem a
similar obscurity arises. Vasili has gone out with his club,
And an old monk from the Andronova monastery met Vasili,
On the bridge over the Volkhov,
Wearing on his head the great bell of St. Sophia.
Fedotov has here omitted to tell that after Vasili has fought for
some time and killed a number of citizens, the others go to his
mother who advises them to persuade his godfather, an old monk,
to appease him. The monk does his best, but is killed by Vasili.
Perhaps the audience would know the story well enough not to be
troubled by this important omission, but none the less it illustrates
a difficulty in oral composition.
The nature of the traditional material may create curious
situations. If a story has a wide popularity and is told by many
poets, it may grow into different versions which seem to have little
1 Gilferding, ii, p. 410.
2 Rybnikov, i, p. 373 ; Chadwick, R.H.P. p. 148.
316
SOME PECULIARITIES OF COMPOSITION
connection with one another and are eventually treated as separate
episodes in a hero's career. We can in such cases discern a basic
story and see how it has been developed in different directions.
But of course a poet, who is interested in all that happens to a hero,
may not see or care that two or more stories are essentially varia-
tions of a single one and may even combine them in one poem.
This sometimes leads to curious results. A favourite Russian
story is of the fight between Alyosha Popovich and Tugarin, the
Dragon's son. There are of course many kinds of fight, and
Alyosha kills Tugarin in more than one way. But this variety has
led to an odd result in the version recorded by Kirsha Danilov.1
This falls into two parts. In the first part Alyosha encounters
Tugarin, refuses his offer of friendship, cuts off his head, takes off
his robe, and rides off to Vladimir. It is a complete story and
needs no more than it says. But the bard then continues to tell
how Tugarin follows Alyosha to Kiev and the two engage in single
combat which ends with Tugarin 's death. What has happened is
quite clear. The poet knew of two stories. In one Alyosha kills
Tugarin in the country, in the other in Kiev. For some reason
the poet feels that he must tell both and does so by the clumsy
expedient of bringing Tugarin to life after he has been killed.
V^mch cases show how a poet can fail when he uses two variant
versions of a single theme, but other poets can do this and make a
success of it. If the basic theme is sufficiently simple and the
variations sufficiently ingenious, we will hardly notice that a single
theme has been used twice, nor will we resent it if we do. It is,
for instance, possible that in Beowulf the twofold scheme by which
Beowulf first fights Grendel in Hrothgar's hall and then fights his
Dam in her cave is really a double use of a single theme by which
the hero fights a monster and its mother. In the parallel stories,
like that of Ormr the Strong, the hero encounters both the monster
and its dam in their cave and defeats them there. It is possible
that the poet of Beowulf knew of a version in which the hero's
exploits were not in the hall but in the cave, since he makes
Beowulf see Grendel's body lying in the cave and cut off the head :
For that loss repaid him
The raging champion, inas resting he saw
Grendel lie, of war grown weary,
All unliving, as erstwhile had left him
The battle in Heorot. His body sprang aside
When he after death endured that stroke.2
1 Kireevski, ii, p. 74 ff.
2 Beowulf, 1584-9.
317
HEROIC POETRY
The poet combines his two themes neatly, and there is no contra-
diction or awkwardness. And we can see why he does it. By
having two fights, one in the hall and one in the cave, he creates a
richer situation and is able to exploit suspense more fully. Each
fight is differentiated and has its own character, and we do not
feel that the poet repeats himself, v
It is possible that something of the same kind may be seen in
Gilgamish. When Gilgamish asks Uta-Napishtim for the secret
of immortality, he is told that he must keep awake for six days and
six nights that he may pray and find out who will assemble the
gods to help him in his need. Gilgamish tries to do this, but
through human weakness fails. After this he is told a second way
of becoming immortal ; he must fetch a plant from the bottom of
the sea. This he succeeds in doing, but a serpent steals the plant,
and he is again frustrated. The two scenes are quite separate, and
their appearance in succession stresses the almost impossible
difficulty which faces Gilgamish in trying to do what he wishes.
But we may suspect that originally these were alternative versions
of the way in which Gilgamish tries to escape from death. For his
story one such episode is sufficient, since it illustrates the inability
of men to break the laws of the gods, but we can see why the poet
combines two. In the first Gilgamish fails because he is a man,
and sleep overcomes him ; in the second he fails through the
malignity of chance, which sends a serpent to snatch his prize
when he has secured it. The repetition enhances the sense of
failure and is no doubt used for that reason.
The combination of variants on a basic theme may be detected
more than once in the Odyssey. The most basic theme of all is
the return of the hero after many years to his home, where he is
faced by enemies and not recognised by his wife. Such stories
were told of other men than Odysseus, and there are many possible
variations. At one point we can see how Homer combines two of
them. The returned hero is a great archer, renowned for his
prowess and able to do with the bow what hardly anyone else can
do. In the process of revealing who he is he has to show his strength
and skill at the expense of his enemies. Here Homer uses two
themes which may once have been alternatives. The first is that
in which Odysseus is able to string the bow when all the Suitors
fail ; the second when he does his exhibition shot down the line
of axes arranged in the hall. The first shows his strength, since he
alone is able to bend the bow and string it ; the second shows his
skill, since the shot causes wonder and amazement. In the
Odyssey the two are combined and both are a preparation to the
318
SOME PECULIARITIES OF COMPOSITION
killing of the Suitors. But originally we may suspect each was
used separately and need not have been turned to any other
purpose than to show the hero's superiority. Homer works both
episodes skilfully into his plot. The stringing of the bow humili-
ates and frightens the Suitors and makes them aware that they are
confronted with a dangerous enemy ; the preparations for the
shot, with the suggestion that there is to be a competition, mean
that Odysseus is well supplied with arrows with which he can
soon proceed to kill the Suitors. There is no contradiction or
awkwardness, and the two variants are used for two distinct and
differentiated actions.
Another example of this art from the Odyssey may be seen in
the episodes of Circe and of Calypso. In Odysseus' sojourn with
both there are certain obvious similarities. Each is a goddess who
lives on a remote island ; each loves Odysseus and gets some
satisfaction from him, though not enough ; each in the end
releases him to go home. Behind the two episodes is the common
theme of the goddess who loves a man and has in due course to
send him back to his human wife whom he loves more than her.
But from this common basis Homer has worked out variations so
great that the two episodes are quite different. Circe lives in a
palace, Calypso in a cave. Circe is a witch who turns men into
beasts ; Calypso is a gentle and hospitable hostess. Odysseus
arrives at Circe's island with his companions on a ship, at Calypso's
island alone as a castaway from shipwreck. Circe releases Odysseus
because he asks her to, Calypso because the gods tell her to do so.
Circe tells Odysseus where to sail and what to do ; Calypso merely
helps him with food and sails for his voyage. It has even been
surmised that Homer invented Calypso because he had to make
Odysseus stay somewhere for a long time before he returns home.1
Be that as it may, it is clear that the names, Circe and Calypso,
indicate some original difference of character. Circe, " the
hawk ", was once a witch ; Calypso, " the concealer ", is the kind
of divine being with whom a man lives outside the common world.
The differentiation between the two may well have begun before
Homer. What he does is to make the most of it, so that we do not
notice that he is using two variants of